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Why Thomas Massie isn’t worried about Trump’s primary threats

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President Donald Trump has long been able to bend Republican lawmakers to his will with a single online post. The mere hint of a threat that he might announce a member “SHOULD BE PRIMARIED” is enough to bring most GOP members into line.

Not Rep. Thomas Massie.

The 54-year-old former robotics engineer brushed aside that precise threat from Trump Monday night, even with the president vowing to “lead the charge” against him after Massie made clear that he would not vote for the Trump-blessed spending bill pushed by House Republican leaders.

Speaking to reporters Tuesday, Massie met the threat with a bemused shrug and a well-practiced joke about the situation: “He’s going after Canada and me today. The difference is Canada will eventually cave.”

Massie has earned the right to his lighthearted reaction. The president used almost the same language five years ago, after Massie single-handedly forced his House colleagues to return to Washington and vote in person on a Covid-19 response bill at the beginning of the pandemic in March 2020.

Trump at the time labeled Massie a “third-rate grandstander” and said he should be thrown out of the Republican Party. Massie went on to handily win a primary challenge, helped in part by the fact that his opponent had a history of racist posts online.

After the spending bill passed Tuesday evening, Massie said it “feels just like” the day he opposed the pandemic bill and suggested that “the missives directed at me weren’t to get me to change my vote — I never change my vote.

“I think they were to try and keep the other Republicans in line until they get this over to the Senate,” he added.

In a follow-up post Tuesday, Trump again labeled Massie a “grandstander,” also putting his title of “Congressman” in quotation marks.

Since rebuffing the last MAGA onslaught, Massie only burnished his maverick credentials. He won a spot on the House Rules Committee as part of a deal hard-right members struck with former Speaker Kevin McCarthy. That gave him considerable sway over what legislation made it to the House floor.

Later he turned against McCarthy’s successor, Mike Johnson, playing a leading role in trying to get him replaced as speaker when the new Congress met in January. He relinquished his seat on Rules, and amid it all, his high school sweetheart-turned-wife, Rhonda, died.

“I don’t know how to say this without cussing, if they thought I had no Fs to give before, I definitely have no Fs to give now,” he told the Wall Street Journal recently.

On Tuesday, Massie responded to Trump online, calling a post attacking him “misleading.” However, he didn’t directly blame the president and instead said it was a “tweet from Trump’s account.” He separately made clear that he thought the House legislation he was opposing was not part of “Trump’s agenda.”

Massie said in an interview that he thrived on the criticism from the most powerful Republican of the 21st century: “I had the Trump antibodies for a while — I needed a booster.”

Yet it’s far from clear that he is immune from an all-out political assault from Trump. The president, caught up in his own reelection, never really engaged in Massie’s 2020 race, and Trump went on to endorse him in 2022 as a “conservative warrior.”

This time, the presidential attack was preceded by critical posts from top Trump strategist Chris LaCivita — indicating that there potentially could be more political firepower behind a new effort to oust Massie.

Besides the spending bill apostasy, there’s other reasons for Trump and his political orbit to take aim at the Kentuckian: Massie was one of six members of Congress to endorse Ron DeSantis’ presidential campaign; another, Rep. Bob Good (R-Va.), was forced out of Congress after Trump endorsed against Good in a tightly contested primary last year.

Massie has a reservoir of support among the libertarian-oriented, fiercely anti-spending Republicans who came up as part of the tea party movement and now have moved toward MAGA. A handful spoke up in his defense this week, including Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah), who said Massie “has worked harder than perhaps any member of Congress to bring federal spending under control.”

Johnson offered mild support for the maverick: “Look, I’m in the incumbent protection program here,” said Johnson. “Thomas and I have had disagreements, but I consider Thomas Massie a friend.”

“I just vehemently disagree with his position,” he added. “But I’ll leave it at that.”

The question is whether Trump will actually follow through with his political threats this time. There’s reason to be doubtful: Trump recently threatened primary challenges against other dissident Republicans, including Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas), without following through with an immediate endorsement. And history has shown that Trump does not have an especially long memory when it comes to Capitol Hill grudges.

Massie seemed well aware when he asked if Trump would hold a lasting grudge. “It’ll blow over,” he said.

Meredith Lee Hill and Jennifer Scholtes contributed to this report.

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Congress

Mike Johnson gets candid about Elon Musk

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Speaker Mike Johnson on Tuesday gave his most candid assessment yet of billionaire Elon Musk’s influence in Congress and the potential threat he poses to legislative dealmaking: “He can blow the whole thing up.”

Johnson, during a fireside chat at Georgetown University’s Psaros Center, described his work as speaker as managing a “giant control panel” with dials for his GOP members, one for President Donald Trump and one for Musk.

“Elon has the largest platform in the world, literally,” Johnson said of the X owner and head of Trump’s Department of Government Efficiency. “And if he goes on and says something that’s misunderstood or misinterpreted about something we’re doing, he can blow the whole thing up.”

“So I spend a lot of time working with all these dials and all these folks, and I just run around all day and make sure everybody’s happy,” he added.

Johnson knows the depths of Musk’s influence from personal experience. In December, Musk helped tank a bipartisan government funding bill that the speaker negotiated, triggering chaos on Capitol Hill just before the holidays.

Musk, who is leading efforts to slash the federal bureaucracy under Trump, has stayed out of Johnson’s latest push to pass a stopgap plan to keep the government open through September. Speaking just after the House passed the bill Tuesday, Johnson called it “a feat” that Republicans were able to do so without needing help from Democrats.

With the funding bill heading to the Senate, Johnson said it would be up to “one man alone” — Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer — to avert a shutdown Saturday.

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Johnson and Thune hash out future of GOP agenda

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Speaker Mike Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune met on Tuesday and discussed the sweeping domestic policy legislation at the top of their 2025 agenda.

The closed-door conversation came as the House and Senate struggle to quickly get on the same page as they try to pass President Donald Trump’s tax, energy and border priorities into law. Thune separately convened a meeting of GOP senators Tuesday to discuss the legislation.

“Both of us understand we’ve got to get this done. We’re trying to figure out the best way to do that,” Thune said after the meeting with Johnson, part of a regular series of meetings between the two leaders. “This is just a long, arduous process, but we’ll get there.”

House Republicans are negotiating a bill that aligns with their budget resolution, which teed up a single sprawling package containing all of Trump’s party-line priorities. Senate Republicans, meanwhile, are warning that they are weeks away from being ready move as they discuss specifics of tax and spending cuts.

That’s led to House Republicans increasingly kvetching that they believe the Senate is moving too slowly. After a member of the Senate Finance Committee floated this week that the real deadline for getting the bill done is August, Johnson told reporters that “August is far too late.”

Meredith Lee Hill contributed to this report.

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Jordan lays out timeline for tackling high-skilled tech visas, immigration overhaul efforts

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House Judiciary Chair Jim Jordan has a strategy for how to give President Donald Trump’s top ally, Elon Musk, the changes to high-skilled visa rules the tech billionaire so desperately wants.

In interviews this week, the Ohio Republican said he is eyeing his party’s flagship immigration bill as the legislative vehicle for overhauling existing laws to increase the flow of immigrants into the United States with expertise in science, technology and engineering.

But Jordan made clear he wouldn’t be the driving force behind making those changes to so-called H-1B visas, which let tech companies hire foreign-born experts. The high-tech visas have support among some Republicans but far from the majority of GOP lawmakers.

Rather, Jordan said, he would expect the H-1B overhaul to come up as one of any number of concessions Republicans might make to sway Democrats in the Senate, who will be needed to clear any legislation for the president’s signature.

“I think we got to come back and pass [the bill] and send that to the Senate,” Jordan explained, at which point both chambers could “then start that debate on what happens with various visa programs we have — whether it’s the high-skilled one, whether it’s [agricultural] workers, whether it’s what happens to Dreamers.”

He added that a House-Senate conference committee on that immigration bill would also allow the White House to “weigh in” on high-skilled immigration.

“I think that’s the best play for it all to work, and to have the full debate on everything that impacts immigration policy,” Jordan said.

Still, Jordan’s openness to allowing some sort of visa reform to come to fruition in a final immigration bill suggests that top House Republicans are now willing to negotiate with the tech lobby, Democrats and some Senate Republicans who see workforce benefits to allowing more specialists into the country.

It’s also the first time Jordan has articulated his long-range vision for overhauling immigration policy, including in an arena that’s important to Musk, with whom the committee chair enjoys a longtime rapport. Musk has framed the push for high-skilled immigrants as a top priority for the Trump administration.

Trump has backed Musk in his fight with immigration restrictionists over increases to skilled visas or green card exemptions for high-tech workers. Jordan said Tuesday that he has yet to talk to Musk about high-skilled immigration, but “I’m sure we will.”

A lot has to happen before tackling the issue on Capitol Hill, however — notwithstanding that a new version of the Secure Our Borders Act, which passed the House in the last Congress and is commonly referred to as H.R. 2, has yet to be reintroduced.

First, Jordan said, congressional Republicans must pass broader legislation through the filibuster-skirting budget reconciliation process, which he sees as necessary for the GOP to enact broad swaths of Trump’s domestic policy agenda — including beefed up border security enforcement.

“There’s a sequence to this,” Jordan said, explaining his plans. The House Judiciary chair said it was necessary to “demonstrate to the country we’ve fully secured the border, and then you can look at the visa issues in the context of H.R. 2.”

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