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Trump does Epstein U-turn as House Republicans prepare to spurn him

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President Donald Trump is suddenly reversing his monthslong campaign to bottle up a bipartisan effort to disclose federal records dealing with Jeffrey Epstein — just as scores of House Republicans prepare to defy his demands concerning the late convicted sex offender.

“House Republicans should vote to release the Epstein files, because we have nothing to hide, and it’s time to move on from this Democrat Hoax,” he wrote Sunday night on Truth Social, adding, “I DON’T CARE! All I do care about is that Republicans get BACK ON POINT” discussing economic issues.

The U-turn came after months of drama inside the House GOP over a bill that would compel the Justice Department to release its entire Epstein file. An effort by Trump and Speaker Mike Johnson to prevent a floor vote on the measureimploded last week amid an intense White House push to try to keep Republicans in line. The vote is now expected Tuesday.

At the end of last week, Johnson and senior House leaders appeared powerless to stopperhaps as many as 100 Republicans from breaking ranks and voting with Democrats to release the files. The situation worsened over the weekend, as Trump lashed out in deeply personal terms at Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.), who is leading the effort to force a House vote on Epstein, and publicly spurned Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.), a one-time close ally who has recently broken with Trump on Epstein and other matters.

Even before that, some members closest to House GOP leadership were mulling whether to support Massie’s effort.

Those include lawmakers like Rep. Virginia Foxx (R-N.C.), who as Rules Committee chair is among the most trusted members of Johnson’s inner circle. She declined to say in an interview last week whether she would support Massie’s measure. But she suggested she favored it coming to a vote, which GOP leaders expect to happen Tuesday.

“I’m a big full disclosure person,” Foxx said. “I have nothing to hide, and I assume nobody else does, either.”

Rep. Blake Moore of Utah, the Republican conference vice chair, said in an interview last week he normally doesn’t discuss how he will vote. Rep. Kevin Hern of Oklahoma, the House GOP policy chair, acknowledged “a lot of consternation” inside the party about what to do.

Asked about his own vote, Hern said, “We’ll make that decision at game time.”

The internal GOP strife underscores how politically toxic Trump’s association with Epstein has become, especially after Democrats on the House Oversight Committee released an email Wednesday in which Epstein suggested thatTrump “knew about the girls.”

Evidence has not linked Trump to wrongdoing in the Epstein case, and the president has maintained that he and the disgraced financier had a falling out years ago.

Trump appeared trained on keeping the defections to a minimum as recently as Friday, when he sent multiple Truth Social posts where he accused Democrats of pushing an “Epstein Hoax … in order to deflect from all of their bad policies and losses” and ordered Attorney General Pam Bondi toinvestigate Democrats’ connections to Epstein. The posts, according to three Republicans granted anonymity to discuss the sensitive matter, were part of an effort to limit mass GOP defections on this week’s vote.

“Some Weak Republicans have fallen into their clutches because they are soft and foolish,” he wrote, telling them, “don’t waste your time with Trump. I have a Country to run!”

Trump normally enjoys an iron grip over the House, where Republicans are rarely anything but subservient to the president. He’s seen hints of pushback recently onkey nominees and his demand toeliminate the Senate filibuster.

But he’s lost all control over the chamber when it comes to the Epstein matter, and Hill Republicans have grown increasingly wary of Trump’s fixation on the issue, according to five other people granted anonymity to describe internal GOP conversations.

One senior Republican marveled at Trump’s “erratic” and unsettling effort last week to kill the bipartisan end-around led by Massie and Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.). That included pulling Rep. Lauren Boebert (R-Colo.) into the White House Situation Room to try to remove her name from the discharge petition she had signed alongside GOP Reps. Nancy Mace of South Carolina and Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia.

The effort failed, and Trump administration officials privately warned that Mace’s defiance is likely to cost her an endorsement in the South Carolina governor’s race. One of her Republican opponents in that campaign, Rep. Ralph Norman, suggested he may not vote for the bill in an interview last week: “Oh, I don’t know. We’ll see.”

A major source of Trump’s obsession over the House vote is Massie, who has opposed a raft of major GOP legislation, including spending bills and the megabill that passed this summer. Trump is nowintent on ousting Massie in next year’s primary, but the Kentucky Republican has now managed to outmaneuver the president despite Trump and Johnson trying to hold him off for months.

Massie said in an interview that the Epstein vote will reflect how Republicans are starting to take stock of a post-Trump world.

“They need to look past 2028 and wonder if they want this on their record for the rest of their political career,” he said.

“Right now, it’s okay to cover up for pedophiles because the president will take up for you if you’re in the red districts — that’s the deal,” Massie later told reporters. “But that deal only works as long as he’s popular or president. … If they’re thinking about the right thing to do, that’s pretty obvious: You vote for it.”

That is reflected in the broad swath of House Republicans who said last week they were ready to back Massie, ranging from conservative hard-liners to moderate dealmakers to endangered swing-seat targets, including Rep. Tom Barrett of Michigan and Reps. Rob Bresnahan and Ryan Mackenzie of Pennsylvania.

“If it’s on the floor, I’ll be voting for it,” Mackenzie said.

On the right flank, Reps. Eli Crane of Arizona, Warren Davidson of Ohio, Eric Burlison of Missouri and Tim Burchett of Tennessee said they planned to support the measure. (Burchett sought to pass it on a voice vote last week, but Democrats insisted on a recorded vote.)

More centrist-leaning Reps. Jeff Van Drew of New Jersey, Kevin Kiley of California and Don Bacon of Nebraska said they would vote for the bill. Bacon, who is retiring, suggested the last-minute pressure campaign from the White House was ill-advised.

“The train has already left the station, so we should move on,” he said.

Johnson, arguing Republicans have been “for maximum transparency of the Epstein files from the very beginning,” made clear last week he would not vote for the bill himself. He has argued thatthe bill would not do enough to protect Epstein’s victims, a claim Massie and Khanna reject.

He and Trump still had good reason to try and avoid a total GOP jailbreak: A big vote could increase pressure on the Senate to take up the bill and send it to the president’s desk, forcing an embarrassing veto that would prolong the controversy.

Senate GOP leaders have not committed to holding a vote, and Republicans widely expect the measure to die in the chamber. Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.), who authored a Senate version of the bill, is coordinating with Massie, and Democrats have some options to force the issue, including seeking to force a vote by unanimous consent or to amend unrelated legislation.

Some key GOP blocs remained split on the matter, including the hard-line House Freedom Caucus and the Republican Study Committee, composed of 189 conservatives. But the legislation is likely to get universal Democratic support in addition to considerable GOP backing, Khanna said before Trump reversed course.

“While there might be pressure from the White House, there is even more pressure from the public,” he said. “People are sick of our system protecting the Epstein class.”

Nicholas Wu and Hailey Fuchs contributed to this report.

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Congress

Cassidy projects optimism on winning bipartisan support for his health care plan

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Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.) said he planned to present Republican leadership with his health care plan as soon as Sunday night, predicting that the divisive proposal to put money directly in Americans’ health savings accounts could clear the 60-vote threshold needed to pass in the Senate.

“We’re working to deliver to Leader Thune and Speaker Johnson a plan, which I think could get 60 votes, which gives the American people the power, and they can choose a lower premium and an HSA,” he said in an interview on “Fox News Sunday” with host Shannon Bream. “We’re working on that. And I’ll give them a piece of paper probably by e-mail tonight.”

Cassidy is pushing for congressional leadership to advance his health care plan, which encourages Americans enrolled in Obamacare to switch to lower-premium, bronze-level plans with the hope that they would be able to afford higher out-of-pocket health care costs with new funding in their HSAs.

But the proposal faces skepticism from Democrats and health policy experts, who caution that it would do too little to help consumers facing skyrocketing premiums — merely shifting who they’d pay when — as health care subsidies are set to expire at the end of the year if Congress doesn’t work out a deal to extend them.

Cassidy, who chairs the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, acknowledged: “You can’t fix everything by January 1, 2026” but said the decision about whether or not to extend health care subsidies to some extent while lawmakers debate a more sprawling overhaul of Obamacare is ultimately “a political decision.”

Cassidy said he’d been talking to Democrats about his proposal and that there was “absolute interest” in bipartisan cooperation.

“We may disagree on the threshold. … But if we can get to a framework where they give the American people a choice, they can stay with the policy they have with a $6,000 deductible or they can go to another policy with a lower premium and money in a health savings account for them to purchase that which they do, the rest is just political decisions,” he told Bream.

House Speaker Mike Johnson was set to huddle with Republican leaders on Blue Light News this weekend as he races to finalize a plan ahead of Tuesday’s GOP conference meeting.

Johnson told POLITICO last week he hopes to schedule a vote on a health care package before the end of the year, but House Majority Leader Steve Scalise was noncommittal on a timeline.

House leaders are considering pulling from an array of GOP proposals, including a bipartisan pitch for a one-year extension of the subsidies led by Reps. Josh Gottheimer (D-N.J.) and Jen Kiggans (R-Va.) and a two-year extension plan pushed by Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.).

President Donald Trump, who has voiced support for Cassidy’s health savings account plan, has opted not to wade into the details of what should be included in a health care package.

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The government’s top watchdog is retiring — but the Trump probes continue

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Gene Dodaro started his career at what is now the Government Accountability Office in 1973, as then-President Richard Nixon was battling Congress for control of federal cash.

More than a half-century later, Dodaro runs that watchdog agency amid another epic clash between Capitol Hill and the White House over President Donald Trump’s funding moves. Now, with his 15-year term as comptroller general coming to an end in late December, he’s getting ready to retire.

“I’m going into witness protection,” Dodaro, 74, said in a recent interview of his upcoming departure from the independent office with a workforce of more than 3,000.

He meant it as a joke. But Dodaro’s agency, which is tasked with auditing federal programs and helping lawmakers fulfill their constitutional duties, has been under an unprecedented level of scrutiny this year as conservative lawmakers and the White House publicly challenge GAO’s objectivity and seek to undermine its influence.

Adding to the pressure on Dodaro, the Supreme Court this fall appeared to endorse the view that only the comptroller general has the authority to sue the Trump administration for flouting impoundment law — not the groups losing out on federal cash.

Dodaro has declined to take such legal action, despite the urging of some lawmakers, including Senate Appropriations Chair Susan Collins. “People are already suing in many cases,” he reasoned, adding that the court’s decision “surprised” him and that he won’t be “cajoled” into suing.

“We’ll see what we need to do. But we need to be prudent and make sure that — when we do it — we’re in the strongest possible position to prevail,” he added.

Following the Supreme Court’s opinion, Collins said in a brief interview that it “goes without saying” this dynamic underscores the need for the lawmakers involved in the selection process to find a strong candidate to succeed Dodaro.

The U.S. Supreme Court building is seen in Washington, Nov. 4, 2025.

Dodaro’s last day is Dec. 29, at which point he will hand-pick an acting comptroller general to take the reins of the agency until the Senate confirms a permanent replacement. A panel of 10 lawmakers seated on a bipartisan commission is supposed to suggest candidates for Trump to nominate.

Whoever succeeds Dodaro will have to direct ongoing probes into Trump’s funding moves. To date, the agency has issued 11 opinions — five concluding the administration illegally withheld money, two citing some wrongdoing. Dozens are ongoing.

“The worst thing for GAO is to look like you have an agenda. That’s what concerns me about allegations like we’re against the current president’s agenda. We’re not,” he said. “Our job, and most of what we’re doing, is in response to actions they’ve taken. It’s not things we’re bringing up out of nowhere.”

Because the Office of Management and Budget has stonewalled GAO’s requests for information, the agency is forced to rely on evidence in the many lawsuits against the administration, Dodaro said.

Moreover, the GAO head said he has never spoken to Trump’s budget chief, Russ Vought. Multiple attempts to make contact during the first Trump administration were unsuccessful, he added.

“His public comments have led me to believe that wouldn’t be a successful approach here,” Dodaro said of Vought, who on social media this spring accused the office of taking a “partisan role in the first-term impeachment hoax,” a reference to GAO’s conclusion that Trump illegally withheld aid to Ukraine in 2019.

The past 11 months have been politically difficult for Dodaro in other ways. Earlier this year, top Republicans derided GAO for not blessing Senate GOP efforts to skirt filibuster rules to overturn state waivers issued under former President Joe Biden for pollution standards — and ignored the agency’s conclusion to boot.

Dodaro fended off Elon Musk’s attempt to send a downsizing team to GAO as part of the president’s now-disbanded Department of Government Efficiency initiative, before House Republicans proposed cutting the agency’s budget in half for the current fiscal year.

It’s not the first time the comptroller general has irked a party in power. During the Biden administration, GAO delivered its first-ever estimate of fraud in the federal government, pegging losses at between $233 billion and $521 billion dollars a year.

“OMB wasn’t happy,” Dodaro recalled.

Gene Dodaro, U.S. comptroller general and head of the Government Accountability Office, poses for a portrait in his office at GAO headquarters in Washington, Dec. 5, 2025.

Dodaro’s agency doesn’t always disappoint Republicans. Just last week, GOP lawmakers cheered a new GAO report reinforcing their arguments about fraud in the Obamacare insurance marketplace. To investigate this claim, GAO set up 24 fake accounts; 22 successfully enrolled in plans. It ended up costing the federal government thousands of dollars a month.

And Congress has averted several crises as a direct result of the watchdog’s warnings. That includes action to replace crucial weather satellites before they fail and to buoy the federal insurance program designed to protect Americans whose pension benefits are at risk.

“GAO is incredibly valuable … the ability for Congress to ask a hard question and ask them to chase it,” said Sen. James Lankford (R-Okla.), who added that Dodaro has for years aided him in a running effort to compel federal agencies to identify and describe each program they oversee.

Dodaro also started a partnership with experts at the National Academy of Sciences and launched an international effort to help developing countries run audit offices.

Sen. Gary Peters (D-Mich.), who is supposed to serve on the commission to recommend candidates for a Senate-confirmed comptroller general, said lawmakers “won’t find anybody as experienced and as knowledgeable” as Dodaro. “The integrity and professionalism he brought to the job, I thought, was exceptional.”

Dodaro attributes any praise to decades of relationship maintenance, including with top Trump administration officials who used to be members of Congress and senators who formerly served in the House.

“I try to pull out all the stops on my Italian charm,” he joked. “We’re not only in the auditing business. We’re in the relationship business.”

The next comptroller general could be anyone, and it could be a long time before that person is seated. Dodaro is the only Senate-confirmed GAO chief who was picked from inside the agency, and he held the position in an acting capacity for more than two years before then-President Barack Obama nominated him upon the recommendation of lawmakers. The Senate confirmed him by unanimous consent in 2010.

“If it can be done quickly, that’s fine. If it can’t, then they need to take their time to get the right person in the job, because it’s 15 years,” Dodaro said of the selection process for his successor.

“I have great confidence in the people at GAO … and I have confidence in the Congress to take their responsibility seriously and pick someone. This is their person — to serve them.”

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Pardoned Democrat Henry Cuellar wants GOP to probe his prosecutors

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Just-pardoned Democratic Rep. Henry Cuellar is encouraging his Republican colleagues to investigate the prosecutors who charged him and his wife with bribery.

“I really think what they did was wrong,” Cuellar said in an interview Friday, adding that he has spoken to people in the House who are investigating prosecutors under former President Joe Biden. He said he plans to share information with them about his case.

Any such probe would represent a remarkable scrambling of partisan battle lines over the Justice Department. But it would be just the latest such jumble involving Cuellar, a self-proclaimed conservative Democrat who was an outlier in his party even before he faced corruption charges — and was suddenly pardoned Wednesday by President Donald Trump.

The investigation Cuellar referred to appears to be an ongoing probe of DOJ “weaponization” led by House Judiciary Chair Jim Jordan (R-Ohio).

Cuellar ran into Jordan shortly after Trump announced the pardon of Cuellar and his wife Wednesday, according to a person granted anonymity to describe the private conversation. Cuellar encouraged Jordan to request records from the Justice Department on his prosecution, and Jordan expressed openness to the idea, the person said.

“Based on what’s there, I definitely feel that there was misconduct by the prosecutors,” Cuellar said Friday. “So we’ll get more in details later on, but I certainly am convinced that this was weaponization.”

Jordan spokesperson Russell Dye declined to comment.

Cuellar and his wife were charged in 2024 with accepting $600,000 in bribes from foreign entities, including an oil and gas company owned by the government of Azerbaijan. Cuellar has said he and his wife were innocent of the charges.

In the Truth Social post announcing the pardon Wednesday, Trump blamed Biden for using “the FBI and DOJ to ‘take out’ a member of his own party” after Cuellar criticized Biden’s immigration policies.

Jordan has spearheaded investigations of Biden-era probes of Trump, leading a select subcommittee on the “Weaponization of the Federal Government.” He has recently ramped up the efforts, most recently subpoenaing former special counsel Jack Smith and accusing Smith’s team of “prosecutorial misconduct and constitutional abuses” in their investigations of Trump.

Cuellar reiterated in the interview that despite his criticism for his own party and his willingness to cooperate with a polarizing GOP probe, he has no plans to switch parties. He filed for reelection as a Democrat soon after he was pardoned Wednesday.

“I was a Democrat, and I’m still a Democrat,” he said.

Cuellar also said in the interview that neither he nor his family members had hired representatives to speak to the White House on his behalf — even as former lawyers and advisers to Trump have reported receiving significant sums to seek pardons on behalf of accused and convicted criminals.

Trump in Wednesday’s Truth Social post included a letter Cuellar’s daughters wrote to the president criticizing the prosecution as politically motivated and pleading for clemency.

Cuellar said he found out about the pardon Wednesday when asked by a reporter about Trump’s announcement.

“My daughters … saw their mom and dad go through a very difficult time and, on their own, they wrote a letter to the president,” he said. “Apparently the president read it and made a decision.”

Hailey Fuchs contributed to this report.

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