The Dictatorship
This New Year’s Eve, take a moment to appreciate your regrets
New Year’s Eve may as well be the day of regrets. We have been conditioned to look back on our actions and wonder what we should have done differently — people we mistreated, opportunities we missed, bad habits we adopted. Many people will also likely do things tonight that they will regret as early as tomorrow morning.
Regret can be toxic. You can end up spending so much time thinking about the past that you fail to live in the present. Ruminating over that lost love can keep you from recognizing the potential one in front of you. Fear of making the same mistake in your career can keep you from taking a new opportunity. Beware the paralyzing fear of future regret.
But as we spend this day reliving our past mistakes, it’s important to remember that regret also has a purpose. It is an unavoidable aspect of the human condition. Regret is the tinge of pain that teaches you not to touch a hot stove; it hurts, but it may stop you from getting hurt worse.
Not everyone seems to understand this. Celebrities who make stupefying decisions regularly come out afterward and say they have “no regrets.” Neither do CEOs whose bad decisions cost their companies millions and lead to layoffs. And politicians seem to be basically regret-proof these days.
Mark Robinson, whose gubernatorial run in North Carolina led to embarrassing revelations about his online comments on porn, seems unbothered by his car crash of a campaign. “We have no regrets,” he said. Ditto former New York City Mayor Rudolph Giuliani, whose defamation of two Georgia election workers led to a staggering $150 million award. “I have no regrets at all,” he told CNN in July.
Donald Trump is the undisputed master of this. One of his former executives has written that he “sees being sorry as a weakness.” Trump once said that he does not typically seek God’s forgiveness — despite that being a central practice of the Christian faith — because he does not need to. “Why do I have to repent or ask for forgiveness if I am not making mistakes?” he said. It’s hard to have regret if you don’t think you did anything wrong.
It’s not limited to the right, either. Top staffers of the Kamala Harris campaign were roundly criticized for failing to take responsibility on a recent episode of “Pod Save America,” talking instead about economic headwinds, the media and other factors beyond their control. If they have personal regrets, they didn’t mention them.
Regrets have become such anathema that some people are hoping to avoid them entirely. You can find advice in magazines and self-help books about how to live a long, full life with zero regrets. This is backward. If you live to a ripe, old age and have no regrets, then you didn’t really live. No regrets means you took no chances; you risked nothing. A life with no regrets is safe, boring and unexamined.
We have even seen some people try to use the fear of regret as a political argument.
In a 2007 Supreme Court decisionthen-Justice Anthony Kennedy wrote that while there was “no reliable data,” it was likely that “some women come to regret their choice” to have an abortion and that, therefore, the government has the right to restrict certain procedures that they might one day regret even more. In a recent hearing, Justice Brett Kavanaugh suggested that the state of Tennessee could have an interest in barring minors from receiving gender-affirming health care because of the “physical and psychological effects on those who later change their mind.”
In both situationsthe data suggests that the percentage of people living with such regrets is small. But we have been so trained to avoid regret that even the potential for it has become an argument for restricting the rights of others.
Importantly, regret isn’t just a personal issue; it’s a political one. Regret is part of the price of freedom. The Constitution guarantees us the right to pursue happiness, but it does not guarantee us happiness. There’s always a risk that the path you choose will not work out. On the flip side, you cannot regret something that you had no choice in. Regret is only possible when you have the freedom to make your own choices.
Ryan Teague Beckwith is a newsletter editor for BLN. He has previously worked for such outlets as Time magazine, Bloomberg News and CQ Roll Call. He teaches journalism at Georgetown University’s School of Continuing Studies.
The Dictatorship
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The Dictatorship
BBC asks a court to dismiss Trump’s $10 billion lawsuit
LONDON (AP) — The BBC filed a motion Monday asking a U.S. court to dismiss President Donald Trump’s $10 billion lawsuit against it, warning that the case could have a “chilling effect” on robust reporting on public figures and events.
The suit was filed in a Florida court, but the British national broadcaster argued that the court did not have jurisdiction, nor could Trump show that the BBC intended to misrepresent him.
Trump filed a lawsuit in December over the way a BBC documentary edited a speech he gave on Jan. 6, 2021. The claim seeks $5 billion in damages for defamation and a further $5 billion for unfair trade practices.
Last month a judge at the federal court for the Southern District of Florida provisionally set a trial date for February 2027.
The BBC argued that the case should be thrown out because the documentary was never aired in Florida or the U.S.
“We have therefore challenged jurisdiction of the Florida court and filed a motion to dismiss the president’s claim,” the corporation said in a statement.
In a 34-page document, the BBC also argued that Trump failed to “plausibly allege facts showing that defendants knowingly intended to create a false impression.”
Trump’s case “falls well short of the high bar of actual malice,” it said.
The document further claimed that “the chilling effect is clear” when Trump is “among the most powerful and high-profile individuals in the world, on whose activities the BBC reports every day.”
“Early dismissal is favoured given the powerful interest in ensuring that free speech is not unduly burdened by the necessity of defending against expensive yet groundless litigation, which would constrict the breathing space needed to ensure robust reporting on public figures and events,” it said.
The documentary — titled “Trump: A Second Chance?” — was aired days before the 2024 U.S. presidential election.
The program spliced together three quotes from two sections of a speech Trump made on Jan. 6, 2021, into what appeared to be one quote, in which Trump appeared to explicitly encourage his supporters to storm the Capitol building.
Among the parts cut out was a section where Trump said he wanted supporters to demonstrate peacefully.
Trump’s lawsuit accuses the BBC of broadcasting a “false, defamatory, deceptive, disparaging, inflammatory, and malicious depiction” of him, and called it “a brazen attempt to interfere in and influence” the 2024 U.S. presidential election.
The broadcaster’s chairman has apologized to Trump over the edit of the speech, admitting that it gave “the impression of a direct call for violent action.” But the BBC rejects claims it defamed him. The furor triggered the resignations of the BBC’s top executive and its head of news last year.
The Dictatorship
The DOJ’s ethics proposal would have a corrupt fox guarding the henhouse
State bar associations play an important accountability role across the country. Trump administration lawyers know that their legal licenses are subject to censure, because practicing law in the United States remains a privilege, not a right. But if Attorney General Pam Bondi has her way, even this guardrail could disappear.
Last week, Bondi proposed a new rule that would allow the Department of Justice to take over investigations of alleged attorney misconduct of its own lawyers. State bar authorities would have to pause their investigations while the Justice Department conducts its own probe. The rule gives the DOJ the ability to delay or even derail a state investigation.
The rule gives the DOJ the ability to delay or even derail a state investigation.
It doesn’t feel like a coincidence that there has been a series of state ethics complaints filed against Trump administration lawyers, including Bondi, Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche and federal prosecutors handling immigration cases. President Donald Trump’s polarizing pardon attorney Ed Martin is currently facing just such a complaint from the D.C. Bar.
As outlined in the Federal Registerthe proposal argues that “political activists have weaponized the bar complaint and investigation process.” Of course, even if it were true that frivolous complaints were being filed against Justice Department lawyers, state bar grievance authorities should be able to weed them out just as effectively as the department’s own investigators. In fact, having an independent review process would provide more credibility than the DOJ would in dismissing such claims.
Federal law requires all federal prosecutors to comply with the ethics rules of the state where they practice law, including the District of Columbia. The new rule requires Justice Department lawyers to obey the substance of their state’s ethics rules, but gives the DOJ the authority to investigate violations. According to the proposal, whenever a bar grievance is filed, “the Department will have the right to review the allegations in the first instance and shall request that the bar disciplinary authority suspend any parallel investigations until the completion of the Department’s review.”

From there, multiple scenarios are possible. First, “if the Attorney General decides not to complete her review,” the state bar disciplinary authorities “may resume their investigations or disciplinary hearings.” Second, if the attorney general finds misconduct, “the State bar disciplinary authorities will then have the option of beginning or resuming their investigations or disciplinary proceedings” and, if appropriate, “to impose additional sanctions beyond those already imposed by the Department, including suspension or permanent disbarment.”
But what is missing from the language of the rule itself is a potential third scenario. What if the attorney general clears the attorney of misconduct? On that, the rule is silent.
Say, for example, a federal prosecutor in Minnesota is accused of making false representations to an immigration judge. The judge or opposing party could file a grievance with the Minnesota Office of Lawyers Professional Responsibility. Under the new rule, the state bar would be required to stand down and await a DOJ investigation, with no provisions for time limits or transparency. Of course, even the delay could compromise the subsequent Minnesota probe. But if the Justice Department clears the lawyer, it is also unclear what happens next. According to Bloomberg“If the DOJ finds no violation, that blocks the state from investigating the alleged infraction.” This conclusion may be a fair inference for a department that has thrown its weight around. According to the proposed rule, “the Attorney General retains the discretion to displace State bar enforcement and to create an entirely Federal enforcement mechanism.”
But even if the rule merely delays state enforcement, the DOJ could slow-walk a grievance into oblivion. According to a comment posted by the Illinois State Bar Association, the DOJ is attempting to “shield” its lawyers from accountability. The proposed rule also includes an ominous provision that if bar disciplinary authorities refuse the attorney general’s request, “the Department shall take appropriate action to prevent the bar disciplinary authorities from interfering with the Attorney General’s review of the allegations.”
Even if the rule merely delays state enforcement, the DOJ could slow-walk a grievance into oblivion.
In the decades since the Watergate scandal, the Justice Department has conducted robust investigations of allegations of ethical misconduct by its own attorneys and imposed discipline. In fact, it was common for state bar authorities to wait for the DOJ to complete its investigations before initiating their own probes, because the federal process held attorneys to standards even higher than state ethics rules. But that landscape changed last year, when Bondi fired the head of the department’s Office of Professional Responsibility and its chief ethics officer. Now there is a risk that DOJ lawyers will be even further sheltered from meaningful ethical oversight.
In the first nine days of the 30-day notice and comment period, the proposed rule has attracted more than 30,000 comments. And once implemented, the rule will no doubt invite legal challenges and ultimately could be struck down. But until then, it threatens to give carte blanche to DOJ lawyers who represent the Trump administration not just zealously but with impunity, knowing that the attorney general can simply delay or even block state bar ethics complaints. And the rule represents one more openly regressive blow against the checks and balances that are essential to democracy.
Barbara McQuade is a former Michigan U.S. attorney and legal analyst.
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