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The Senate GOP’s hard-liners are suddenly sounding softer on the megabill

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The Senate’s conservative hard-liners vowed to wage holy war against the “big, beautiful bill.” Now they appear to be coming to Jesus.

The recent rhetorical downshift from some of the loudest GOP critics of the pending megabill underscores the political reality for conservatives: As much as they want to rail publicly about the legislation and the need to address any number of pressing national emergencies in it, very few are willing to buck President Donald Trump on his biggest priority.

None of them are ready to cave just yet. But the White House and their GOP colleagues increasingly believe that three senators in particular — Sens. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin, Mike Lee of Utah and Rick Scott of Florida — are now on track to support the bill.

Johnson, in particular, has softened his once-fierce criticism of the legislation in recent days.

“We all want to see President Trump succeed,” he said in a brief interview this week. “Everybody is trying to help. That’s why, if I seem to have been striking a more hopeful tone, it’s because I am more hopeful.”

Just a couple of weeks ago, Johnson was demanding near-unworkable levels of spending cuts and warning that the bill would drive the nation off a fiscal cliff. Then the Trump administration and members of Republican leadership went to work.

Johnson made a pitch to Trump during a recent one-on-one phone call to let him work with administration officials on his deficit reduction plan. That led to a meeting with Vice President JD Vance and Kevin Hassett, the director of the National Economic Council. A person with knowledge of the meeting, granted anonymity to speak candidly, said afterward that the White House is “optimistic that there’s a path to getting Johnson to yes.”

Trump also privately urged Johnson during a meeting with other Finance Committee Republicans last week to speak more positively about the bill. The callout came after Trump officials — and Trump himself — grew annoyed watching Johnson savage the bill on television.

His message: You should be out there selling this bill proudly, he told Johnson, according to two White House officials granted anonymity to describe the meeting — arguing that even if he doesn’t love every detail, there was plenty in the bill for Republicans to be proud of.

“When the president says, ‘Ron, you’ve been so negative, that’s just not even helpful,’ I want to be helpful,” Johnson said, acknowledging Trump’s message in the meeting and admitting he has “downplayed what is good in the bill.”

One of the White House officials summarized the approach to Johnson: “Don’t be negative to create leverage for yourself,” the person said. “If you want to negotiate, like, we can negotiate in private. We’re all reasonable people.”

The hands-on efforts to win over Johnson are part of a larger effort to try to help the fiscal hawks find a soft landing — and at least the semblance of some concessions that will be able to hold up as wins in the end. That’s played out in face-to-face meetings with administration officials, negotiations over pet provisions and discussions about how to continue the fight to cut budget deficits down the road.

Being able to win over their deficit hawks would be a huge boon to Majority Leader John Thune, who has acknowledged that he’s got one hard “no” vote in Sen. Rand Paul, who firmly opposes the bill’s debt-ceiling hike. Thune can only afford to lose three GOP senators, with Vance breaking a tie.

That has given the fiscal hawks leverage, since the GOP leaders can’t afford to lose all of them, and that’s on top of the other potential headaches they have to navigate elsewhere in the conference.

To hear the fiscal hawks tell it, they are sounding a more positive note about their ability to support the bill because the administration is starting to take their demands seriously. To help appease their holdouts, GOP leaders have tried to scrounge up additional savings beyond what is included in the House bill.

“I believe we’ll get a deal done. I’m doing everything I can to represent my state,” Scott said in a brief interview.

GOP leaders are working to assuage Lee by tucking one of his top priorities into the bill. The deregulatory proposal, known as the REINS Act, was initially expected to run afoul of Senate rules for the party-line reconciliation process, but leaders have been working to try to find a version that could pass muster.

House conservatives, meanwhile, have grown increasingly worried that the Senate, with the blessing of their fiscal-hawk allies, will send back a bill that waters down some of their hard-fought victories. The House Freedom Caucus has laid out public demands, while its members have met privately with Lee, Scott and Johnson to strategize about additional spending reductions and maintaining their policy wins.

The Senate hard-liners aren’t ready to concede just yet. Senate Budget Chair Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) has promised Johnson he will advance a second reconciliation bill, giving conservatives another chance to enact cuts. But Johnson said that wouldn’t be enough to get him on board. Instead he wants a “forcing mechanism” to maintain a longer-term push to return to 2019 spending levels. He’s letting the White House brainstorm other ideas and described himself as “reasonably flexible.”

Lee said in a statement he’s “been working with my colleagues and the White House to make the Big Bill Beautiful.” But added: “It’s not where it needs to be yet.”

“We need to sell federal land to help fix the housing crisis, terminate benefits that flow to illegals, end the Green New Scam, and get rid of the Medicaid provider tax. I want to see this effort cross the finish line, but we need to do more,” he added.

Even as they continue to push, their colleagues see the signs of late softening — and aren’t surprised whatsoever. “They’ll fold,” said a GOP colleague who was granted anonymity to speak candidly.

Sen. John Hoeven (R-N.D.) said that Republicans have “made progress” with Johnson and “I wouldn’t count him out.” And two others, Sens. Mike Rounds (R-S.D.) and John Kennedy (R-La.), said they expect Lee, Scott and Johnson to come around when the bill comes up for a final vote, even if they don’t ultimately love every provision.

“They’re very gettable,” Kennedy said. “At some point people are just going to have to decide, is this good enough?”

Rachael Bade and Meredith Lee Hill contributed reporting.

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Congress

Senate Republicans put megabill on track for likely Monday passage

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Senate Republicans on Saturday took a crucial step toward passing their sweeping domestic policy bill, voting 51-49 to start debate on the legislation.

Two GOP senators — Rand Paul of Kentucky and Thom Tillis of North Carolina — joined Democrats to oppose advancing the cornerstone of President Donald Trump’s second-term agenda. But several others came around after hours of last-ditch negotiations to keep the bill moving forward.

The vote came after a daylong scramble by GOP leaders to win over several Republican senators who were viewed as undecided or had vowed to block debate over their opposition to pieces of the bill — including an extended negotiating session that unfolded with various senators while the vote was underway.

Now the chamber is on track to pass the bill sometime Monday. Democrats are forcing Senate clerks to first read the legislation out loud, which is expected to happen overnight, before a maximum 20 hours of debate plus a marathon series of amendment votes.

“Fifty-three members will never agree on every detail of legislation, let’s face it. But Republicans are united in our commitment to what we’re doing in this bill,” Majority Leader John Thune said shortly before the vote. “It’s time to get this legislation across the finish line.”

Trump personally intervened Friday and Saturday to shore up the whip count. He reached out to Tillis on Friday night, according to a person granted anonymity to disclose private conversations. Tillis later confirmed the call, telling reporters he told Trump he could not support the bill because of the Medicaid language. Trump later attacked Tillis publicly and called for him to face a Republican primary challenger.

Sen. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin and Sen. Rick Scott of Florida were at the White House shortly before the Senate’s vote. Johnson initially voted no, then went into a long stretch of negotiations with Thune, Vance and others alongside Sens. Mike Lee of Utah, Cynthia Lummis of Wyoming and Rick Scott of Florida. In the end, they emerged and voted to advance the bill just after 11 p.m.

By Saturday afternoon, it was clear to GOP senators that Vice President JD Vance would need to be on standby for what would be a nailbiter. He interceded after the vote was called to win over Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski, and then went to work on the other holdouts.

While enough GOP senators have voted to start debating the bill, it’s not yet assured there will be enough to pass it. Pieces of the bill remain in flux — not only due to Senate concerns, but also lingering opposition from some House Republicans. Several key issues, including the state-and-local-tax deduction and key Medicaid language, were addressed in updated text released late Friday night. But negotiations continues as leaders in both chambers work to ensure the Senate product can be passed in the House without changes and sent immediately to Trump’s desk.

Already GOP leaders have agreed to delay implementation of changes to a key Medicaid provision — a new cap on medical provider taxes, which most states use to fund their Medicaid programs — and have increased a rural hospital assistance fund from $15 billion to $25 billion.

Those changes were sufficient to win over Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.), who announced Saturday he would support the bill. But it wasn’t enough to sway holdouts in both chambers concerned that the health care language could lead to hospital closures in their states and districts.

While Sen. Susan Collins of Maine supported starting debate, she described herself as “leaning against” final passage if the Medicaid provisions don’t change before a final vote. Collins said she planned to offer several amendments reflecting her concerns.

“It is the majority leader’s prerogative to determine which bills to bring to the floor,” she told reporters. “That does not mean in any way that I’m satisfied with the provisions in this bill.”

Tillis told reporters that he would be a “no” on the final vote, barring dramatic changes to the Medicaid provisions.

“It would result in tens of billions of dollars in lost funding for North Carolina, including our hospitals and rural communities,” he said in a statement. “This will force the state to make painful decisions like eliminating Medicaid coverage for hundreds of thousands in the expansion population, and even reducing critical services for those in the traditional Medicaid population.”

Johnson, Paul and Scott had each raised sharp concerns about the bill’s fiscal impacts, arguing it needed to cut more government spending. Paul, in particular, was deadset against its inclusion of a $5 trillion hike to the federal debt ceiling.

GOP leaders had more success putting out another fire: Sen. Tim Sheehy (R-Mont.) warned shortly before the vote that he would not support opening debate because of a provision in the bill providing for the sale of public lands. About 40 minutes after delivering that ultimatum, he said in an X post he would instead seek to amend the bill and remove the provision.

Republicans also made changes in the draft text released overnight to more aggressively phase out clean-energy tax credits established under former President Joe Biden in a bid to win over House conservatives. That prompted new attacks on the bill from Elon Musk, the erstwhile Trump ally, who called the megabill “utter madness” and “political suicide for the Republican Party.”

Democrats are expected to use the marathon amendment process, known as vote-a-rama, to try to water down the bill’s changes to the energy provisions, as well as Medicaid, federal food assistance and other key social safety net items.But first Democrats want to slow things down. By forcing clerks to read the 940-page bill aloud — a process that is typically waived — they hope to win more time to draw attention to the bill’s most unpopular provisions.

Senate aides estimate reading could take about 15 hours, pushing final passage from Sunday into Monday unless Democrats unexpectedly yield back a significant amount of their debate time.

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Trump threatens Tillis with primary challenge

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President Donald Trump said he would explore backing a primary challenger to two-term Sen. Thom Tillis Saturday — just hours after the North Carolina Republican voted against advancing the centerpiece of Trump’s legislative agena.

Trump berated Tillis in mutiple Truth Social posts, saying he was making a “big mistake” and that he would be meeting potential primary challenges as he was “looking for someone who will properly represent the Great People of North Carolina.”

Tillis has long expressed concerns about the impact of Medicaid changes in the bill on North Carolina and said Saturday he would not support the legislation unless changes are made. Trump did not mention the issue in his posts, but did detail Tillis’ earlier concerns with preserving some clean-energy tax breaks that Republicans are targeting.

North Carolina is the top pickup opportunity for Senate Democrats in 2026, and Tillis is a veteran of multiple tough races in the Tarheel State. In 2014, as speaker of the state House, he knocked off incumbent Kay Hagan in one of the closest Senate races of the cycle. Tillis then won narrowly in 2020 after his Democrat opponent, former state Sen. Cal Cunningham, got himself embroiled in a sexting scandal.

Tillis was already anticipating facing a strong Democratic opponent next year: Former Rep. Wiley Nickel has already announced a Senate bid, and popular former Gov. Roy Cooper is also mulling a run.

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Congress

Megabill in limbo with GOP senators locked in last-minute talks

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A Senate vote on advancing Republicans’ party-line domestic-policy bill has been held open for more than two hours as GOP leaders scramble for the final votes.

Vice President JD Vance arrived at the Capitol shortly after 8 p.m. to break a possible tie. Three Republican senators — Ron Johnson of Wisconsin, Rand Paul of Kentucky and Thom Tillis of North Carolina — have already voted “no.” A fourth GOP opponent would at least temporarily sink the megabill and likely foil plans to get it to President Donald Trump’s desk by July 4.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune, Majority Whip John Barrasso, Finance Chair Mike Crapo and Budget Chair Lindsey Graham are meeting off the floor with Vance, Johnson and the three Republican holdouts — Sens. Mike Lee of Utah, Cynthia Lummis of Wyoming and Rick Scott of Florida. The three are believed to be voting as a bloc; Lee and Scott have raised concerns about the level of spending cuts in the bill.

“We need more deficit reduction,” Lee said before the vote. Notably, he announced Saturday night he was dropping a provision to sell some public lands from the megabill amid intraparty opposition.

Thune was tight-lipped heading into the meeting saying only, “It’s a long vote.”

Earlier in the evening, Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska made her fellow Republicans sweat, withholding her vote for nearly an hour while a gaggle of key leaders surrounded her on the Senate floor.

Murkowski, who had already secured major concessions for her home state, spent more than a half-hour in deep and sometimes animated conversations with Crapo, Graham, Barrasso and Thune, also talking separately to Sens. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana and John Curtis of Utah. At one point she held Vance’s hand while she talked with him one-on-one in the back of the chamber.

Graham could be heard loudly saying that to “start the process” would be “best.” Eventually she voted to move forward with the bill, with a big smile, but only after she retreated into the cloakroom for additional conversations with leaders and committee chairs.

Lisa Kashinsky contributed to this report.

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