Connect with us

Congress

The next shutdown threat is around the corner

Published

on

The longest shutdown in U.S. history is ending. Yet Congress’ most onerous government funding work remains unfinished — setting up a potential repeat early next year.

The bipartisan deal to end the funding lapse includes a long-term agreement on just three of the dozen bills lawmakers need to finish each year to keep cash flowing to federal programs. And those three measures are some of the easiest to rally around — including money for veterans programs, food aid, assistance for farmers and the operations of Congress itself.

Together, they represent only about 10 percent of the roughly $1.8 trillion Congress doles out each year to federal agencies. Under the deal, everything else is funded on a temporary basis through Jan. 30 at levels first set by Congress in March 2024, when Joe Biden was president.

That leaves behind major open decisions about the vast majority of discretionary dollars — including for the military and public health programs — along with the stickiest policy issues. It doesn’t help that House and Senate leaders still haven’t agreed on an overall total for fiscal 2026 spending, amid GOP divisions over how deeply to cut.

House Majority Leader Steve Scalise acknowledged this month that the hardest part of the funding negotiations is ahead after President Donald Trump signs the current deal to end the shutdown.

“We’ve got to just find a resolution to get the lights back on,” Scalise said. “But the real negotiation is going to be: Can we get an agreement on how to properly fund the government with individual appropriations bills, packages of appropriations bills?”

If lawmakers don’t figure it all out by the new January deadline, Congress risks another partial shutdown or running most of the federal government on what are essentially two-year-old budgets. Some Democrats are already hinting they are willing to shut down the government again without a deal on Affordable Care Act insurance subsidies that expire at the end of this year.

Compounding the challenge are fears that partisan strife during the six-week shutdown will only complicate the already-grueling task of striking a cross-party compromise.

“If we’re going to function again, we’ve got to be able to trust each other,” senior appropriator Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.) told reporters this week, after helping broker the deal to end the shutdown.

The three-bill deal appears to have done little to repair the breach. One of Congress’ top four appropriators, Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.), objected to how final negotiations played out over the weekend to close out the funding package.

“The entire House was marginalized in this process,” she said Tuesday night during a Rules Committee meeting.

DeLauro accused Senate Republicans of “abruptly” stopping talks in the middle of negotiations, making the bills public before she signed off and secretly adding controversial language without consulting House lawmakers.

In the Senate, leaders have committed to quickly advancing more funding measures. Majority Leader John Thune said senators would be “off to the races” on a second package of spending measures when the chamber gavels back in on Tuesday.

Up to five bills are under consideration for inclusion in that package, covering funding for the military and the departments of Education, Commerce, Labor, Health and Human Services, Justice, Transportation, Interior and Housing and Urban Development.

Getting that done will be hard enough. All 100 senators would have to consent to quickly assemble the bills on the floor, likely followed by weeks of debate before a vote on passage. Then top Senate appropriators would need to strike a compromise with their House counterparts.

But the remaining spending bills will be even tougher. Four are so divisive that Senate appropriators didn’t even approve them in committee this summer. Lawmakers in both parties agree it is likely that agencies covered under that slate — among them the departments of Energy, Homeland Security, State and Treasury, including the IRS — will eventually be funded through a stopgap that spans through next September.

Democrats warn that any partisan demands from Trump or hard-liners in the House could deadlock the effort to reach agreements on the nine bills left.

“If they want to add poison pills, obviously the whole thing will fall apart,” Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), a senior appropriator, said in a brief interview.

But Democrats are also motivated to strike bipartisan deals in light of Trump and White House budget director Russ Vought’s moves this year to shift, freeze and cancel billions of dollars Congress already approved.

Senators have been careful to be more explicit in the new trio of funding bills about how the Trump administration must spend the money.

“Obviously, those are not the bills I would have written,” the Senate’s top Democratic appropriator, Washington Sen. Patty Murray, said in a floor speech this week. But those bills, she added, are “immeasurably better than Trump and Vought holding the pen.”

“We have a lot of work ahead, and I know we can get there — passing full-year funding bills to ensure Congress, not Trump or Russ Vought, decides how taxpayer dollars are spent,” she continued.

A couple of the remaining bills, however, are subject to much more profound disputes. An intraparty disagreement over funding levels between Senate Appropriations Chair Susan Collins (R-Maine) and Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.), for instance, has left the energy bill in limbo.

“I know that is a new experience for everybody on the committee,” Kennedy said this week. “But I’m not backing down.”

And then there’s the DHS measure, which hasn’t been unveiled, let alone advanced through committee amid a deep partisan dispute over curbing Trump’s immigration agenda.

Connecticut Sen. Chris Murphy, the top Democrat on the panel that funds DHS, said he wants “real constraints” to prevent what he calls the Trump administration’s “clearly illegal” transfers of funding to support border enforcement and mass deportations.

“It’s going to be really hard to get a bipartisan long-term budget,” Murphy said, pointing to $600 million the administration is now using for detaining immigrants despite Congress explicitly approving it for “non-detention” efforts.

Sen. Katie Britt of Alabama, who has clashed with Murphy as his GOP counterpart on the panel, acknowledged appropriators have “a lot of hard work in front of us” when asked this week about the challenge of advancing the next tranche of spending bills.

“I don’t think anyone is naive,” she said.

Meredith Lee Hill contributed to this report.

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Congress

‘Meltdown’: DHS shutdown set to drag on after House GOP rejects Senate deal

Published

on

House Republicans moved Friday to further extend the six-week shutdown of the Department of Homeland Security by rejecting a Senate bill that would fund the vast majority of DHS agencies through September.

Instead, Speaker Mike Johnson proposed a temporary extension of DHS funding through May 22 — a plan that has uncertain prospects in the House and certainly won’t pass the Senate before the shutdown becomes the longest funding lapse in U.S. history Saturday.

But Johnson said House Republicans simply could not swallow the Senate bill, which omits funding for Immigration and Customs Enforcement as well as Border Patrol and some other parts of Customs and Border Protection.

“The Republicans are not going to be any part of any effort to reopen our borders or to stop immigration enforcement,” he said. “We are going to deport dangerous criminal illegal aliens because it is a basic function of the government. The Democrats fundamentally disagree.”

The move toward an eight-week stopgap creates a tactical gulf between Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune, who called an end to weeks of abortive bipartisan talks Thursday and pushed through the funding bill in hopes of tacking on funding later for ICE and CBP in a party-line budget reconciliation bill.

President Donald Trump has largely stayed out of the GOP infighting on Capitol Hill, keeping his criticism trained on Democrats. He ordered DHS to pay TSA officers Thursday as long security lines snarls more U.S. airports.

Johnson played down the split with his Senate counterpart, saying the Democratic leader there bore more blame for the impasse.

“I wouldn’t call John Thune the engineer of this,” he said. “Chuck Schumer and the Democrats in the Senate have forced this upon the Senate. I have to protect the House. … Our colleagues on this side understand this is not a game. We are not playing their games.”

Thune said early Friday morning he did not speak directly to Johnson in the final hours leading up to the Senate’s voice vote, but he said they had texted. He acknowledged he did not know in advance how the House would handle the Senate bill.

“Hopefully they’ll be around, and we can get at least a lot of the government opened up again, and then we’ll go from there,” he said.

Johnson made his game plan clear with House Republicans on a private call just minutes before addressing reporters in the Capitol, according to four people granted anonymity to describe the call. He warned that a failure to advance the short-term DHS stopgap would upend GOP plans for a reconciliation bill, the people said.

He suggested the Senate could quickly clear the stopgap measure once it passes the House. Most senators have left Washington for a recess running through April 13, but Johnson said the chamber could approve the House measure by unanimous consent at a planned pro forma session Monday.

But some House Republicans on the private call, including Rep. Carlos Gimenez of Florida, aired doubts it could pass the Senate — or even the House. Some fellow GOP centrists argued that the House should just swallow the Senate bill and end the standoff.

The House plan for a 60-day stopgap won a cold reception in the Senate, with even Republicans warning it will only prolong the partial government shutdown.

The plan is instead fueling frustration among both Republicans and Democrats who view House Republicans as essentially throwing temper tantrum. Three people granted anonymity to speak candidly each described the House as having a “meltdown.”

Schumer publicly slammed the House GOP plan Friday, saying it was “dead on arrival” across the Capitol, “and Republicans know it.”

A Senate GOP aide granted anonymity to speak candidly added that the quickest way to end the shutdown is for the House to pass the Senate bill.

Five people granted anonymity to comment on Senate dynamics said there was no possibility that Democrats would let the House GOP plan pass during the Senate’s brief pro forma sessions over the next two weeks. It would only take one Democratic senator to show up and object to any attempt to pass it.

The bill, according to the five people, also can’t get 60 votes in the Senate once the chamber returns. Democrats have previously rejected even shorter stopgaps, leaving some to privately question why House Republicans would ever think their plan would work.

Continue Reading

Congress

Trump to send Congress his budget request April 3

Published

on

President Donald Trump plans to send Congress a budget request April 3, detailing his policy and funding wish list for the fiscal year that begins in October, according to a spokesperson for the White House budget office.

It’s unclear whether the president will also submit a supplemental military funding request at the same time, to aid the military in the U.S. conflict in Iran. For more than a week, the White House has been reviewing a Pentagon request for about $200 billion in emergency cash to support new military action in the Middle East.

Trump already called in January for a $1.5 trillion defense budget for the upcoming fiscal year, a $500 billion increase from the Pentagon’s current funding levels.

The president’s budget is scheduled to arrive on Capitol Hill almost nine weeks after it was due Feb. 2. Though the fiscal blueprint is nonbinding, top appropriators in both parties have expressed frustration with the delay, since they rely on the framework to begin writing the dozen annual funding bills Congress must pass by Sept. 30.

Continue Reading

Congress

Troop deployments test Republicans’ nerves on Capitol Hill

Published

on

A growing number of House Republicans are airing public concerns about President Donald Trump‘s possible deployment of U.S. ground troops in Iran as the Pentagon sends thousands of American paratroopers and other servicemembers to the Middle East.

Nearly every GOP lawmaker has voted to green-light Trump’s military campaign. But a growing number, including some veterans, are voicing new reservations as evidence mounts that Trump could escalate the war to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, secure Iran’s nuclear stockpile or accomplish other strategic goals.

“I’m really, really hopeful this doesn’t turn into a boots-on-the-ground situation,” Rep. Eli Crane (R-Ariz.) said in an interview Thursday. “My biggest concern this whole time is that this would turn into another long Middle Eastern war.”

“Though I don’t want to try and take away any of the president’s ability to carry out this operation, I know a lot of our supporters and a lot of members of Congress are very concerned” about that possibility, Crane added.

The comments from a MAGA-aligned former Navy SEAL who served five wartime deployments underscore the deepening wariness among Republicans on Capitol Hill.

Some are warning in public and private that the midterm backlash to any ground invasion of Iran would be swift and severe.

“We lose 60 to 70 seats,” said one House Republican granted anonymity to speak candidly about the matter.

Senior House Democrats are making plans to force another vote on a resolution that would restrict U.S. military action in Iran. But they’ve delayed it until the House returns from recess in mid-April given absences in their ranks and the need to secure more GOP support after a similar measure narrowly failed earlier this month.

House Democratic leaders have been working to flip a handful of Democrats who opposed the last war powers resolution and now believe they only need one more Republican to flip to yes at this point, according to three people granted anonymity to speak freely about private conversations.

“No U.S. troops on the ground,” Rep. Nancy Mace (R-S.C.) said in an interview, suggesting she could be the third Republican to break with Trump and help pass the Democratic-led war powers measure next month.

“If we’re in this phase where there are troops on the ground, then we’re in a different phase of the conflict, which requires Congress’s input,” Mace said.

Rep. Derrick Van Orden (R-Wis.), another retired Navy SEAL who served in Iraq and Afghanistan and represents a competitive district, said in an interview he’s been “very clear” that he does not support uniformed American troops being put on the ground in Iran.

Van Orden said he believes Trump has “learned” from the mistakes of previous presidents who’ve gotten the country stuck in endless wars abroad.

House GOP leaders are mindful of the promises many of their frontline incumbents who won tight races made to their constituents: Republicans would not pursue endless military campaigns and regime change abroad.

Asked last week about the Pentagon sending several thousand U.S. Marines into the Middle East, Speaker Mike Johnson said, “I haven’t seen the details of it.”

Following more reports of troop deployments this week, Johnson said the U.S. is “wrapping up” the current military operation against Iran and he believed U.S. boots on the ground “is not the intention” that Trump is pursuing.

“It should not be necessary” for U.S. forces to invade Iran, he added in a Fox News interview Thursday. “I think we can get this resolved without it.”

But concerns are rising among the GOP rank-and-file, especially after a classified briefing Wednesday didn’t provide many answers to Armed Service Committee members about the administration’s plans for the divisions they are sending to the region around Iran.

Rep. Ryan Mackenzie (R-Pa.), one of Democrats’ biggest targets in November, also cautioned against a protracted war when asked this week about the U.S. troops heading to the Middle East.

“I think we certainly do not want to get embroiled in another Forever War,” Mackenzie said in an interview.

“So I hope this is maybe a precautionary measure or posturing to get a better deal out of the Iranians,” he added. “But we do need to figure out what the path is forward, and we as members of Congress are looking forward to getting an update from the administration.”

Rep. Gabe Evans of Colorado, another Republican who Democrats are targeting heavily, suggested the troop deployments were “just part of the negotiations … so this just goes back to the art of the deal.

“I don’t think anybody wants to see boots on the ground,” Evans added. “But if you don’t, if you, if you paint a hard line and say, ‘We’re absolutely not going to do this,’ you’ve taken that off the table as a negotiating point.”

Trump weighed in directly to House Republicans Wednesday on his decision to conduct military strikes against Iran without getting congressional approval first.

“I won’t use the word ‘war,’ because they say if you use the word ‘war,’ that’s maybe not a good thing to do,” the president said at the annual NRCC fundraising dinner. “They don’t like the word ‘war,’ because you’re supposed to get approval. So I’ll use the word ‘military operation,’ which is really what it is. It’s called a military decimation.”

Trump also acknowledged higher energy and oil prices from the war, but he maintained it was more important to address the “cancer” of Iran despite the risks. House Republicans are also grappling with the fallout of high gas prices and a possible $200 billion price tag of the war and other military funding that Congress will have to debate soon.

Republicans note that reaction to the war so far is largely along party lines, but there is limited patience for higher gas prices among American voters.

Continue Reading

Trending