Congress
Republicans in the dark on White House plan for Obamacare abortion restrictions
The White House’s silence on how its health care plan deals with abortion is causing a headache for Republicans on Capitol Hill.
For many GOP members, an expansion of abortion restrictions in Obamacare is a must-have. But the White House’s decision to leave the issue out of its tentative framework caught Republicans off guard, leaving them in the dark about whether the president would ultimately stake out a position publicly, according to two aides granted anonymity to disclose private discussions.
The fight over the Hyde amendment, which bars federal funding for abortion, is just one of many landmines that need to be cleared before any health care deal to extend expiring Affordable Care Act subsidies can be reached. It also comes on top of GOP backlash to other aspects of the White House’s health policy framework that leaked Sunday.
“No Republican has voted for Obamacare or an Obamacare extension or expansion,” said a senior Senate Republican aide, granted anonymity to speak candidly. “Asking members to do that and not including Hyde would be impossible for many.”
The White House did not respond to requests for comment on the president’s stance.
The proposal the administration had planned to roll out this week consisted of a two-year extension of the ACA’s enhanced subsidies with new limitations favored by conservatives, such as a cutoff for people with higher incomes and a requirement that everyone pay a minimum monthly premium. But the White House gave no indication of whether it endorsed GOP lawmakers’ demand to also prohibit any insurance plan that receives a federal subsidy from covering abortion services.
Gavin Oxley, a spokesperson with Americans United for Life, said it would be helpful for the White House to publicly lay out its position on the Hyde question to give lawmakers an idea of how to proceed.
Not weighing in now, or proceeding with a plan without abortion restrictions, “would ultimately fracture the wide-reaching coalition that got President Trump re-elected,” Oxley said.
“We believe the Administration and pro-life leaders in Congress will come to the table in good faith with a plan that includes Hyde,” he continued. “But should it not, we will be prepared to reject such a plan.”
House and Senate Republicans, as well as dozens of anti-abortion groups that havespent months lobbying Congress and the White House, oppose any extension of the subsidies that doesn’t bar all insurance plans in the individual market from covering abortion. One of the people granted anonymity to speak candidly said that including the abortion funding restrictions was a “red line” for a broad swath of Republicans.
“We don’t have any details on this plan, but Senator Young supports Hyde protections and believes they should apply to any taxpayer funded health care spending,” said Leah Selk, spokesperson for Republican Sen. Todd Young of Indiana.
The hard line for Republicans creates a narrow window for bipartisan agreement, if any, before the end of the year, when the subsidies are set to expire and cause premiums to skyrocket. Democrats, whose votes are needed to clear the filibuster in the Senate to advance most legislation, have declared that abortion restrictions would be a non-starter in ongoing negotiations.
“Instead of working with Democrats to fix the health care crisis they created, Republicans now want to hold women’s health care hostage and force their radical agenda on the American people,” said Sen. Ron Wyden of Oregon, the top Democrat on the Finance Committee that has jurisdiction over much of the sprawling U.S. health system, in a recent floor speech. “I have one thing to say to that: not on my watch.”
Likely cognizant of this political reality, the White House’s decision to sidestep the abortion question was intended to allow the administration to avoid drawing attention to an issue that could have immediately jeopardized the plan’s viability, said a Republican aide with knowledge of the discussions – even if its silence has actually had the opposite effect.
“Look, it’s no secret that this administration is not rushing to put a lot of political capital on the issue of abortion if they can avoid it,” said Patrick Brown, a fellow with the conservative think tank Ethics and Public Policy Center, which has been part of the roiling debate over abortion restrictions in Obamacare. “It’s not something I think they have any interest in highlighting.”
The abortion standoff is just one of many factors complicating a proposed deal to extend insurance subsidies. Deep divisions remain around who should qualify for such subsidies, how generous they should be, and what kind of health services are covered.
Any agreement would need Trump’s blessing, giving Republicans political cover to vote for an extension of the health reform law they have raged against for more than a decade. But given this difficult landscape, conservative lobbyists are skeptical that passage is possible even if Trump endorsed abortion restrictions. Those in close contact with lawmakers say it’s unlikely an extension of the subsidies could win 60 votes in the Senate — or even 50.
“It’d be very difficult, even if they do it through reconciliation,” said Tom McClusky, the director of government affairs for Catholic Vote. “On the subsidies alone, I think you have a large enough contingent on the Republican side that don’t want them renewed at all — regardless of if you can somehow miraculously figure out the protections of Hyde.”
Since its inception more than a decade ago, the Affordable Care Act has barred federal subsidies from paying for abortions, but left it up to states whether health insurance plans in the individual market could cover abortion using other funding.
Half of states have opted to ban all coverage of abortion on their Obamacare markets, including some where abortion itself is legal, like Pennsylvania and Arizona. In the remaining 25 states, abortion coverage through Obamacare is either allowed or required, though any claims paid out involving the termination of a pregnancy come from a separate account that doesn’t use any federal subsidies.
If Congress passes an Obamacare subsidy extension that includes the abortion restrictions conservatives are demanding, it would force roughly a dozen states where abortion coverage is mandatory to make a tough decision: change their laws or risk losing billions of dollars. In the states where abortion coverage is allowed but not required, it would be up to individual insurance plans whether to lose federal funding or drop abortion coverage.
After nearly a year of the Trump administration clawing power away from Capitol Hill and dictating everything from spending to military action, some anti-abortion advocates are baffled by the lack of a firm message on how the Hyde amendment’s ban on abortion funding applies to Obamacare.
“It’s in tension with this administration’s broader approach to dealing with Congress, which has been very heavy handed — sort of, ‘We are calling the shots. Sit back and let us drive,’” said Brown. “But it would be their preference to sit in the back seat on that issue specifically.”
Benjamin Guggenheim contributed to this report.
Congress
Thune says abortion language a sticking point in health care talks
Senate Majority Leader John Thune said Tuesday that while bipartisan discussions are ongoing around the fate of soon-to-expire Affordable Care Act subsidies, abortion restrictions are a major sticking point.
“There are conversations that continue, but as you know the Hyde issue is a difficult and challenging one on both sides,” Thune told reporters.
The fight over the so-called Hyde Amendment, which bars federal funding for abortion, has been looming over any potential deal to extend the enhanced Obamacare tax credits. And GOP lawmakers, not to mention a cadre of influential anti-abortion groups, quickly noticed the White House’s framework was silent on the issue.
The White House ultimately held off on releasing that framework as it faced a mountain of GOP criticism from conservatives who felt caught off guard that Trump would back a two-year extension of the subsidies — even when paired with new income caps and other restrictions.
The Senate is expected to vote next week on a proposal from Democrats to extend the ACA subsidies, but Democrats haven’t yet detailed what bill they will put on the chamber floor.
Republicans are separately working on a potential counterproposal that would come from Sens. Mike Crapo and Bill Cassidy, chairs of the Senate Finance and HELP Committees, respectively. GOP senators also have yet to decide whether they’ll roll out that plan in time for a vote next week, though, and the substance remains in flux.
Sens. Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.) and Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) said Monday night that while efforts to reach a bipartisan agreement persist, many lawmakers believe they are ultimately headed toward a failed vote next week. Some senators are already looking at Jan. 30, the next government funding deadline, as the real cut-off for a health care deal.
“I don’t think we’re close to a 60-vote threshold yet,” Thune said of bipartisan health care talks.
There’s also uncertainty on the other side of the Capitol about how Republicans will respond to the looming expiration of the subsidies, which could cause premiums to skyrocket in the new year. Speaker Mike Johnson told reporters at his weekly press conference that he “didn’t commit to” a short-term extension during a closed-door House GOP members’ meeting Tuesday morning but that “there will be a Republican response to this.”
“What I’ve got to do is build consensus deliberately around the best ideas,” Johnson said. “We’re pulling those ideas together … I can’t project in advance what that will be because I don’t know what the consensus is in that room.”
Meredith Lee Hill contributed to this report.
Congress
Stefanik accuses Johnson of lying, ‘blocking’ her defense bill provision
Rep. Elise Stefanik is taking aim directly at Speaker Mike Johnson over signals a provision she has championed won’t be included in the annual defense policy bill the House wants to pass next week — marking a notable and unusual split inside the House GOP leadership team.
Stefanik, a New York Republican who serves as a member of Johnson’s leadership team, said in a social media post Tuesday morning she would help tank the National Defense Authorization Act if it doesn’t incorporate her provision that would require the FBI to notify Congress when it opens investigations into candidates running for federal office.
“This is an easy one,” the New York Republican posted on social media Tuesday morning. “This bill is DOA unless this provision gets added in as it was passed out of committee.”
Stefanik also blamed Johnson for the expected omission.
“[T]he Speaker is blocking my provision to root out the illegal weaponization that led to Crossfire Hurricane, Arctic Frost, and more,” she wrote on X. “He is siding with Jamie Raskin against Trump Republicans to block this provision to protect the deep state.”
Stefanik’s proposal, which would require the public disclosure of all “FBI counterintelligence investigations into presidential and federal candidates seeking office,” is designed to combat what many Republicans consider politically motivated investigations related to Russian interference in the 2016 election and former special counsel Jack Smith’s probe into President Donald Trump’s efforts to subvert the election in 2020.
Asked about whether he thwarted the provision’s inclusion in the NDAA, Johnson said Stefanik’s retelling of events is “false.” He said he supported the provision and that there could still be a path for its passage in some other legislative vehicle.
“I don’t exactly know why Elise just won’t call me,” he said, recalling that he told his colleague over text, “What are you talking about? This hasn’t even made it to my level.”
Johnson explained the bipartisan leaders of the House and Senate Judiciary Committees, who he suspected have jurisdiction over this issue, had not agreed to include the language, leading to the provision being dropped from the defense bill. A spokesperson for Rep. Jamie Raskin of Maryland, the top Democrat on the House Judiciary panel, deferred to Johnson’s explanation.
Stefanik quickly responded in another post on X, “Just more lies from the Speaker,” while insisting the Intelligence Committee, on which Stefanik sits, has jurisdiction over her provision.
Leaders of the House and Senate Armed Services Committees have been negotiating the NDAA for weeks and could roll out a compromise package as soon as Thursday; Stefanik said in her social media post that she got early details of that package in an Intelligence Committee briefing.
The narrow GOP majority in the House means that Johnson can barely afford to lose any Republican support if Democrats reject the legislation en masse, but it’s far from guaranteed Stefanik’s opposition will doom the NDAA on its own.
While most Democrats opposed the hard-right version of the Pentagon bill the House passed in September, more Democrats might come on board to support a compromise measure and make up for a shortfall of votes on the Republican side of the aisle. The NDAA is typically a broadly bipartisan package.
Connor O’Brien contributed to this report.
Congress
House Republicans sweat Tennessee election, despite Hudson’s assurances
House GOP leaders are trying to steady their restive conference as they seek to avert disaster in a Tennessee special election for a ruby-red GOP-controlled seat on Tuesday night.
NRCC Chair Richard Hudson told House Republicans in their closed-door meeting Tuesday morning that Republican Matt Van Epps will win the race. But he also said members need to remember special elections are special, according to four people in the room, all of whom were granted anonymity to discuss the private meeting.
National Republicans have had to intervene to attempt to rescue Van Epps from a potential defeat in Tennessee’s 7th Congressional District, a conservative stronghold President Donald Trump won by more than 20 points.
The race between Van Epps and Democrat Aftyn Behn has attracted millions in outside spending from both sides, despite the typically uncompetitive nature of the district.
Republicans in the room for Hudson’s remarks Tuesday morning, however, did not feel much better about the state of the conference and the special election ahead of next year’s midterms.
“It was not overly comforting,” one House Republican who attended the meeting said, noting that some GOP members quietly glanced over at each other as the North Carolina congressman argued a win is a win.
Another House Republican predicted the GOP conference would spend some time reeling from the fallout of the race, given that it shouldn’t have been competitive in the first place.
“If our victory margin is single digits, the conference may come unhinged,” one senior House Republican said. A loss would be catastrophic and the conference would “explode,” the Republican added.
-
Uncategorized1 year ago
Bob Good to step down as Freedom Caucus chair this week
-
Politics9 months agoFormer ‘Squad’ members launching ‘Bowman and Bush’ YouTube show
-
The Dictatorship10 months agoPete Hegseth’s tenure at the Pentagon goes from bad to worse
-
Politics9 months agoBlue Light News’s Editorial Director Ryan Hutchins speaks at Blue Light News’s 2025 Governors Summit
-
The Dictatorship10 months agoLuigi Mangione acknowledges public support in first official statement since arrest
-
The Josh Fourrier Show1 year agoDOOMSDAY: Trump won, now what?
-
Politics8 months agoDemocrat challenging Joni Ernst: I want to ‘tear down’ party, ‘build it back up’
-
Politics9 months agoFormer Kentucky AG Daniel Cameron launches Senate bid




