The Dictatorship
Pressed for answers, Trump pretends he didn’t flip-flop on key immigration policy
There’s a sizable faction in Republican politics that wants and expects Donald Trump to follow through on his pre-election rhetoric and advance an unyielding anti-immigration agenda in his second term. There’s also a GOP contingent, largely made up of wealthy business interests, that hopes to convince the president-elect to take a pragmatic approach that would benefit the private sector.
The tension came to a head last week, with the factions targeting each other in surprisingly direct and caustic ways over the merits of the H-1B program, which provides temporary worker visas for high-skilled tech workers. Indeed, late last week, Elon Musk ended up publishing a tweet in which he urged many of the president-elect’s supporters, “Take a big step back and f— yourself in the face. I will go to war on this issue the likes of which you cannot possibly comprehend.”
A couple of days later, Trump tried to intervene, telling The New York Post“I have many H-1B visas on my properties. I’ve been a believer in H-1B. I have used it many times. It’s a great program.”
The comments did not help matters. For one thing, as the president-elect really ought to know, he has not actually taken advantage of the H-1B program many times. Instead, he’s frequently utilized the H-2B and H-2A programs, which are quite differentwhether Trump understands this or not.
For another, when the Republican said that he’s “been a believer in H-1B,” this was the opposite of the position he took up until fairly recently. As The New York Times reportedthe president-elect was asked about his reversal during a brief Q&A with reporters on New Year’s Eve.
Mr. Trump was … asked why he had changed his mind and decided to support H-1B visas for high-skilled immigrants, siding with his political patron Elon Musk in a fight that Mr. Musk was having over the visa program with some of Mr. Trump’s hardest-right supporters. Mr. Trump, whose administration tried to suspend the issuing of H-1B visas in 2020 during the coronavirus pandemic, insisted that he had not changed his mind.
“I didn’t change my mind,” the Republican said. “I’ve always felt we have to have the most competent people in our country, and we need competent people. We need smart people coming into our country, and we need a lot of people coming in.”
This need not be complicated. If Trump eventually came to believe that H-1B visas have value, fine. Officials and candidates in both parties routinely take one position, acquire more facts, and then evolve. Sometimes these so-called “flip-flops” draw partisan fire — especially when the reversals are the result of political convenience — but they’re hardly uncommon.
What’s striking about this example, however, is the fact that the president-elect is pretending that he’s been consistent on the issue. Reality suggests otherwise.
During his 2016 candidacy, for example, Trump called for ending the H-1B program altogether. While in office, the Republican suspended H-1B visasclaiming that the program was hurting American workers.
He’s apparently settled on the opposite position — at least for now — which he’s touting while simultaneously claiming, “I didn’t change my mind.”
If the president-elect wants to argue that he never actually believed his original position in the first place, he’s welcome to give it a try, but by pretending he’s been unswerving on the issue, Trump is bolstering impressions that he just says stuff, without regard for core beliefs. Worse, he expects everyone to just play along — that is, until he says the opposite stuff, at which point the political world is supposed to simply keep up with the moving target.
Steve Benen is a producer for “The Rachel Maddow Show,” the editor of MaddowBlog and an BLN political contributor. He’s also the bestselling author of “Ministry of Truth: Democracy, Reality, and the Republicans’ War on the Recent Past.”
The Dictatorship
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The Dictatorship
BBC asks a court to dismiss Trump’s $10 billion lawsuit
LONDON (AP) — The BBC filed a motion Monday asking a U.S. court to dismiss President Donald Trump’s $10 billion lawsuit against it, warning that the case could have a “chilling effect” on robust reporting on public figures and events.
The suit was filed in a Florida court, but the British national broadcaster argued that the court did not have jurisdiction, nor could Trump show that the BBC intended to misrepresent him.
Trump filed a lawsuit in December over the way a BBC documentary edited a speech he gave on Jan. 6, 2021. The claim seeks $5 billion in damages for defamation and a further $5 billion for unfair trade practices.
Last month a judge at the federal court for the Southern District of Florida provisionally set a trial date for February 2027.
The BBC argued that the case should be thrown out because the documentary was never aired in Florida or the U.S.
“We have therefore challenged jurisdiction of the Florida court and filed a motion to dismiss the president’s claim,” the corporation said in a statement.
In a 34-page document, the BBC also argued that Trump failed to “plausibly allege facts showing that defendants knowingly intended to create a false impression.”
Trump’s case “falls well short of the high bar of actual malice,” it said.
The document further claimed that “the chilling effect is clear” when Trump is “among the most powerful and high-profile individuals in the world, on whose activities the BBC reports every day.”
“Early dismissal is favoured given the powerful interest in ensuring that free speech is not unduly burdened by the necessity of defending against expensive yet groundless litigation, which would constrict the breathing space needed to ensure robust reporting on public figures and events,” it said.
The documentary — titled “Trump: A Second Chance?” — was aired days before the 2024 U.S. presidential election.
The program spliced together three quotes from two sections of a speech Trump made on Jan. 6, 2021, into what appeared to be one quote, in which Trump appeared to explicitly encourage his supporters to storm the Capitol building.
Among the parts cut out was a section where Trump said he wanted supporters to demonstrate peacefully.
Trump’s lawsuit accuses the BBC of broadcasting a “false, defamatory, deceptive, disparaging, inflammatory, and malicious depiction” of him, and called it “a brazen attempt to interfere in and influence” the 2024 U.S. presidential election.
The broadcaster’s chairman has apologized to Trump over the edit of the speech, admitting that it gave “the impression of a direct call for violent action.” But the BBC rejects claims it defamed him. The furor triggered the resignations of the BBC’s top executive and its head of news last year.
The Dictatorship
The DOJ’s ethics proposal would have a corrupt fox guarding the henhouse
State bar associations play an important accountability role across the country. Trump administration lawyers know that their legal licenses are subject to censure, because practicing law in the United States remains a privilege, not a right. But if Attorney General Pam Bondi has her way, even this guardrail could disappear.
Last week, Bondi proposed a new rule that would allow the Department of Justice to take over investigations of alleged attorney misconduct of its own lawyers. State bar authorities would have to pause their investigations while the Justice Department conducts its own probe. The rule gives the DOJ the ability to delay or even derail a state investigation.
The rule gives the DOJ the ability to delay or even derail a state investigation.
It doesn’t feel like a coincidence that there has been a series of state ethics complaints filed against Trump administration lawyers, including Bondi, Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche and federal prosecutors handling immigration cases. President Donald Trump’s polarizing pardon attorney Ed Martin is currently facing just such a complaint from the D.C. Bar.
As outlined in the Federal Registerthe proposal argues that “political activists have weaponized the bar complaint and investigation process.” Of course, even if it were true that frivolous complaints were being filed against Justice Department lawyers, state bar grievance authorities should be able to weed them out just as effectively as the department’s own investigators. In fact, having an independent review process would provide more credibility than the DOJ would in dismissing such claims.
Federal law requires all federal prosecutors to comply with the ethics rules of the state where they practice law, including the District of Columbia. The new rule requires Justice Department lawyers to obey the substance of their state’s ethics rules, but gives the DOJ the authority to investigate violations. According to the proposal, whenever a bar grievance is filed, “the Department will have the right to review the allegations in the first instance and shall request that the bar disciplinary authority suspend any parallel investigations until the completion of the Department’s review.”

From there, multiple scenarios are possible. First, “if the Attorney General decides not to complete her review,” the state bar disciplinary authorities “may resume their investigations or disciplinary hearings.” Second, if the attorney general finds misconduct, “the State bar disciplinary authorities will then have the option of beginning or resuming their investigations or disciplinary proceedings” and, if appropriate, “to impose additional sanctions beyond those already imposed by the Department, including suspension or permanent disbarment.”
But what is missing from the language of the rule itself is a potential third scenario. What if the attorney general clears the attorney of misconduct? On that, the rule is silent.
Say, for example, a federal prosecutor in Minnesota is accused of making false representations to an immigration judge. The judge or opposing party could file a grievance with the Minnesota Office of Lawyers Professional Responsibility. Under the new rule, the state bar would be required to stand down and await a DOJ investigation, with no provisions for time limits or transparency. Of course, even the delay could compromise the subsequent Minnesota probe. But if the Justice Department clears the lawyer, it is also unclear what happens next. According to Bloomberg“If the DOJ finds no violation, that blocks the state from investigating the alleged infraction.” This conclusion may be a fair inference for a department that has thrown its weight around. According to the proposed rule, “the Attorney General retains the discretion to displace State bar enforcement and to create an entirely Federal enforcement mechanism.”
But even if the rule merely delays state enforcement, the DOJ could slow-walk a grievance into oblivion. According to a comment posted by the Illinois State Bar Association, the DOJ is attempting to “shield” its lawyers from accountability. The proposed rule also includes an ominous provision that if bar disciplinary authorities refuse the attorney general’s request, “the Department shall take appropriate action to prevent the bar disciplinary authorities from interfering with the Attorney General’s review of the allegations.”
Even if the rule merely delays state enforcement, the DOJ could slow-walk a grievance into oblivion.
In the decades since the Watergate scandal, the Justice Department has conducted robust investigations of allegations of ethical misconduct by its own attorneys and imposed discipline. In fact, it was common for state bar authorities to wait for the DOJ to complete its investigations before initiating their own probes, because the federal process held attorneys to standards even higher than state ethics rules. But that landscape changed last year, when Bondi fired the head of the department’s Office of Professional Responsibility and its chief ethics officer. Now there is a risk that DOJ lawyers will be even further sheltered from meaningful ethical oversight.
In the first nine days of the 30-day notice and comment period, the proposed rule has attracted more than 30,000 comments. And once implemented, the rule will no doubt invite legal challenges and ultimately could be struck down. But until then, it threatens to give carte blanche to DOJ lawyers who represent the Trump administration not just zealously but with impunity, knowing that the attorney general can simply delay or even block state bar ethics complaints. And the rule represents one more openly regressive blow against the checks and balances that are essential to democracy.
Barbara McQuade is a former Michigan U.S. attorney and legal analyst.
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