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The Dictatorship

Prepare to be unnerved by season three of ‘The White Lotus’

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Prepare to be unnerved by season three of ‘The White Lotus’

Dark, debauched, unhurried and spiritually probing, season three of “The White Lotus” launches Sunday night on Max. A reveal in episode one will have fans squawking like the “chattering monkeys” that the show keeps referencing. Soon after, viewers will be ogling bare-chested (and bare-butted) men so finely hewn they make the hottest guy at your gym look like the bespectacled dork who taught you “World Religions” in college. Which reminds me: Showrunner Mike White is thinking about religion this season. And he is thinking big.

Showrunner Mike White is thinking about religion this season. And he is thinking big.

Season three is set in Thailand at a luxury resort that, we are told, resides one beach over from where the Indian Ocean tsunami claimed thousands of lives in 2004. The country’s reputation for attracting sketchy foreigners, or what a character in the show calls “LBHs” (i.e., Losers Back Home), is fracked for all of its narrative possibilities. So is Thailand’s rich Buddhist heritage. America has periodically experienced Hollywood-induced Zen crazes; maybe season three will trigger another.

The visitors this season, as always, are mostly ultra-wealthy Anglos. Spa guest Piper Ratliff (Sarah Catherine Hook), an undergraduate studying a local Buddhist sage, describes them as “rich bohemians from Malibu in their Lululemon yoga pants.”

Piper’s mom, Victoria (Parker Posey), informs her hosts — though they never asked — that Piper’s brother Lochlan (Sam Nivola) is deciding between Duke and University of North Carolina. The other brother, Saxon, (Patrick Schwarzenegger) is toxic masculinity enfleshed. Saxon attended Duke, as did his finance-guy dad, Timothy (Jason Isaacs), whose forthcoming vacation, I regret to say, will not be restful.

Belinda (Natasha Rothwell) from season one is back. The down-on-her-luck spa manager from Maui, Hawaii, is visiting this White Lotus resort with her son Zion (Nicholas Duvernay) to study with the local masseuses. As was true in season one, her working-woman decency is juxtaposed with the colossal self-absorption of the monied clientele.

Contrast plucky Belinda with Rick Hatchett (Walton Goggins), a criminal who nurses a dark, all-consuming vendetta. Or contrast her with Laurie (Carrie Coon), Jaclyn (Michelle Monaghan) and Kate (Leslie Bibb), three childhood friends who party with the local expat himbos. Each of these 40-something women has an unusual penchant for overhearing the other two disparaging them. Kate from Austin, Texas, overhears her friends making fun of her for being a Trump voter. That may outrage her besties, but the show doesn’t linger on her politics, or anyone else’s. Season three is interested in theology, not ideology.

This “White Lotus,” I repeat, is dark. Gone are the sun-splashed scenes that lit up season two, which White dubbed “a bedroom farce with teeth.” This time around an abundance of scenes are shot at night and twilight. Even at high noon, the frames are saturated with ocher.

Then there’s the darkness of the story itself, which I will leave to viewers to experience on their own terms over the coming weeks.

Walton Goggins and Aimee Lou Wood.
Walton Goggins and Aimee Lou Wood.Fabio Lovino/HBO

White, as I pointed out previouslyhas a genius for making bad decisions look beautiful. In seasons one and two, he let us gawk at humans flaming with desire, entombed within their lusty selves. Season three continues this tradition. We watch exquisitely filmed scenes of people slowly writhing, bingeing, toking, sniffing, gyrating, thrusting and stroking.

But this time he filters his story through a Buddhist prism, a Zen lens. White invites you to spiritually reframe all that revelry. If identity is a prison, if desire is suffering, if the self is an illusion, then what do we make of the impulse that compels you to look good, get swole, influence millions on Instagram, excel in your career, or even create a work of art as ambitious as “The White Lotus”?

White, as I pointed out previously, has a genius for making bad decisions look beautiful.

After visits to Maui, Sicily and Phuket, it’s clear that “The White Lotus” enterprise doesn’t want to be a mere comedy drama anthology television series. The franchise is more like a secular scripture probing questions about inequality, carnality, addiction, manliness (or “brocodes” as they were called in season two) and the legacies of colonialism. It offers few easy answers.

White’s persistent, almost detached curiosity about human vices invokes the work of French filmmaker Éric Rohmer. The legendary director serially interrogated adultery among the French bourgeoisie in works like “Chloe in the Afternoon” (“L’amour L’après-midi”), “Claire’s Knee” (“Le Genou de Claire”) and his “Six Moral Tales” (“Six Contes Moraux”). White’s investigations are far more raunchy and global in their scope. But like Rohmer, he seeks not to solve, but to identify a dilemma.

Season three’s pace is slow in places. Viewers will have to be patient as we wait for White’s characters to eventually, inevitably bottom out. In the meantime, prepare to be unnerved, as I was, by all the poisoned fruit lining the resort’s pathways and a character who warns Belinda: “In time, lizards will become your friends.” When all is said and done, I expect that viewers will, yes, cringe, but also ponder what “enlightenment” actually means. Perhaps White’s turn to Eastern spirituality will help them cope and process what they’ve seen.

Jacques Berlinerblau

Jacques Berlinerblauis a professor of Jewish civilization at Georgetown University. He has authored numerous books about the subject of secularism, including the recent “Secularism: The Basics” (Routledge). He has also written about American higher education in “Campus Confidential: How College Works, and Doesn’t, For Professors, Parents and Students” (Melville House). With Professor Terrence Johnson, he is a co-author of “Blacks and Jews in America: An Invitation to Dialogue” (Georgetown). His current research concentrates on the nexus between literature and comedy on the one side and cultural conflicts on the other.

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The Dictatorship

Georgia Supreme Court declines to hear Fani Willis’ appeal challenging her disqualification

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Georgia Supreme Court declines to hear Fani Willis’ appeal challenging her disqualification

In a move that could effectively end the Georgia prosecution of Donald Trump and others, the Supreme Court of Georgia on Tuesday declined to take up Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis’ attempt to continue prosecuting the state election interference case.

Three state justices dissented from the refusal to consider the appeal, arguing that it presented an important issue worth resolving: whether a lawyer can be disqualified “based on the appearance of impropriety alone.”

While the denial keeps Willis and her office from overseeing the case, it could also effectively end it completely, or at least delay it even longer. When a prosecutor’s office in Georgia is disqualified, finding a new one falls to a state panel called the Prosecuting Attorneys’ Council of Georgia. As an example of how long that process can take and how it can affect the outcome, look at the situation of Georgia Lt. Gov. Burt Jones, whom Willis was disqualified from prosecuting after she hosted a fundraiser for a Democrat who later became Jones’ opponent in the 2022 election. After nearly two years, the Republican head of the panel said he would handle it himself. And then he announced he wouldn’t seek charges against Jones.

And the Jones matter involved just one person. Finding a new prosecutor to take on the complex case against Trump and several other defendants could prove difficult, to say nothing of how a new prosecutor would view the case. Either way, Trump himself would not be prosecuted while he is still in office. His two federal cases were dismissed following his 2024 election victory, and he is appealing his New York state conviction in the only one of his four criminal cases that went to trial before the election.

Like the state’s top court on Tuesday, a state appeals court panel was likewise divided last year when it ruled that Willis and her office should be disqualified from prosecuting the case against Trump and others for their allegedly criminal actions in trying to overturn the 2020 election that Trump lost to Joe Biden.

“After carefully considering the trial court’s findings in its order, we conclude that it erred by failing to disqualify DA Willis and her office,” the appeals court said of the prior ruling from the trial judge, Scott McAfee.

Trump and other defendants in the case had argued Willis improperly profited from the hiring of special prosecutor Nathan Wade, with whom she had a romantic relationship, and that it gave the elected district attorney an impermissible stake in the prosecution. McAfee said the defense failed to prove an actual conflict of interest but that the appearance of impropriety meant that either Willis (and her office) or Wade had to go. Wade resigned that same day.

“The remedy crafted by the trial court to prevent an ongoing appearance of impropriety did nothing to address the appearance of impropriety that existed at times when DA Willis was exercising her broad pretrial discretion about who to prosecute and what charges to bring,“ the appeals court said in the opinion by Judge Trenton Brown, who was joined by Judge Todd Markle.

A dissenting appeals court judge said the majority’s opinion was unsupported by law and called it particularly troubling that the majority interfered with the trial judge’s discretion. Given the unique role of the trial court and the fact that it is the court which has broad discretion to impose a remedy that fits the situation as it finds it to be, we should resist the temptation to interfere with that discretion, including its chosen remedy, just because we happen to see things differently,” Judge Ben Land wrote.

Subscribe to the Deadline: Legal Newsletter for expert analysis on the top legal stories of the week, including updates from the Supreme Court and developments in the Trump administration’s legal cases.

Jordan Rubin

Jordan Rubin is the Deadline: Legal Blog writer. He was a prosecutor for the New York County District Attorney’s Office in Manhattan and is the author of “Bizarro,” a book about the secret war on synthetic drugs. Before he joined BLN, he was a legal reporter for Bloomberg Law.

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The Dictatorship

White House eyes multifaceted crackdown on liberal organizations after Kirk slaying

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White House eyes multifaceted crackdown on liberal organizations after Kirk slaying

Democratic Sen. Chris Murphy of Connecticut issued an unsettling warning of sorts via social media on Monday, writing, “The murder of Charlie Kirk could have united Americans to confront political violence. Instead, Trump and his anti-democratic radicals look to be readying a campaign to destroy dissent.”

The senator soon after talked to Saagar Enjeti on “The Breaking Point” podcast, explaining that he’s “heartbroken” the country is not using the moment to come together and condemn political violence, adding“Instead, it looks as if President Trump and his allies are gearing up to potentially exploit this tragedy and use it as a means to do what they have been planning — to do what they have wanted to do for the entirety of their time in office — which is to try to use their control of the legal system to destroy, to obliterate the political opposition to Donald Trump.”

That might’ve sounded alarmist to some, but it wasn’t long before the White House bolstered Murphy’s concerns in dramatic fashion. The New York Times reported:

President Trump and his top advisers threatened on Monday to unleash the power of the federal government to punish what they alleged was a left-wing network that funds and incites violence, seizing on Charlie Kirk’s killing to make broad and unsubstantiated claims about their political opponents.

The report added that while the motive in Kirk’s slaying is still under investigation, and law enforcement officials have said that the suspected shooter acted alone, the president and several of his top allies “suggested that the suspect was part of a coordinated movement that was fomenting violence against conservatives, without presenting evidence that such a network existed.”

Trump and his team have been unsubtle in recent days about their vision. Hours after Kirk’s death, the president delivered Oval Office remarks in which the Republican not only lashed out at the left, he also vowed that his administration “will find each and every one of those who contributed to this atrocity, and to other political violence, including the organizations that fund it and support it.”

A few days later, Trump boasted to reporters“They’re already under major investigation. A lot of the people that you would traditionally say are on the left [are] already under investigation.”

This raised plenty of questions about who “they” might be and what kind of “investigations” are underway, but this was a sign of things to come — and on Monday, the White House’s campaign reached an extraordinary new level.

Deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller, for example, promised to bring the resources of the federal government to bear against what he described as “terrorist networks,” adding that he believes there are liberal organizations that constitute “a vast domestic terror movement” that the administration intends to dismantle through a variety of federal agencies and departments.

Miller delivered those comments to JD Vance — the vice president was serving as the guest host of Kirk’s podcast — who proceeded to lash out at The Nation, a progressive magazine that he accused of falsely smearing Kirk after his death, before also targeting progressive megadonor George Soros.

Soon after, Trump told reporters that he might designate antifa as a “domestic terror organization” — an apparent impossibility given that antifa is made up of loosely affiliated anti-fascist activists, and there is no organized group by that name — before adding that he was also prepared to target “other” unnamed entities. As part of the same exchange, the president said he’d already spoken to Attorney General Pam Bondi about bringing racketeering charges against “some of the people you’ve been reading about.”

For her part, Bondi told ABC News soon after that “left-wing radicals” (note the plural) were responsible for Kirk’s death, adding that “they” will be held accountable.

Miller also told reporters that the Bondi would “find out” which liberal groups are “paying for violence.”

In case this isn’t obvious, the White House could be using this opportunity to lower the temperature, reduce tensions and avoid a potentially incendiary blame game. Instead, it’s pointing to a vast conspiracy that doesn’t appear to exist, using a shooting death as a pretense to launch a multifaceted federal campaign against political opponents of the president.

The New York Times noted in March that Trump and his “allies are aggressively attacking the players and machinery that power the left,” through “a series of highly partisan official actions.” Six months later, that problem is accelerating.

Steve Benen

Steve Benen is a producer for “The Rachel Maddow Show,” the editor of MaddowBlog and an BLN political contributor. He’s also the bestselling author of “Ministry of Truth: Democracy, Reality, and the Republicans’ War on the Recent Past.”

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The Dictatorship

IDF begins ground offensive in Gaza City

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IDF begins ground offensive in Gaza City
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