Congress
John Kennedy is trying to get Trump to get serious about the debt limit
Senate Majority Leader John Thune has deputized a folksy Louisiana lawmaker known for his blunt political observations and creative analogies to take the lead in convincing President Donald Trump to develop a strategy for raising the debt limit later this year.
That Senate envoy, Sen. John Neely Kennedy, says Trump isn’t ready to focus just yet — and that attention deficit could have reverberations across the global economy.
Kennedy confirmed in an interview that Thune asked him a few weeks ago to lead shuttle diplomacy with Trump about the GOP’s options for preventing the U.S. from defaulting on its $36 trillion-and-counting debt later this year. Since then, Kennedy said, he has asked Trump and Vice President JD Vance “point blank” to start thinking about a plan for lifting the nation’s borrowing cap to head off a default — a breach that top economists predict would irreparably mar America’s reputation as a reliable borrower.
“I’ve done it publicly and privately, and it’s clear to me that the president is not ready to focus that much on the debt limit,” Kennedy said about his discussions with Trump.
“I think the president is clearly aggravated having to deal with it,” Kennedy, a member of the Senate Banking and Budget committees, continued. “And I don’t blame him. His attitude is: ‘Why didn’t y’all fix this before I took office?’”
Trump asked Congress to include a debt ceiling increase in its year-end government funding package in December, but dozens of House Republicans balked at the idea, leaving the unfinished business for the new president.
Thune, in a brief interview Monday, called Kennedy a “good advocate” in the debt limit discussions and said that several other Republicans are also involved in trying to unite the White House and GOP lawmakers around a plan.
A White House official, granted anonymity to speak candidly, called Trump a “master dealmaker” who is “always engaged in negotiations on Capitol Hill.”
But Senate Republicans have been pressing Trump since January to back a debt limit strategy, noting that time is of the essence. The day before the president was inaugurated, he sat down with Senate Republicans for a “very fulsome” discussion and spent 20 minutes talking about the debt limit, according to Kennedy.
Yet Kennedy said he wasn’t encouraged by Trump’s remarks: “I don’t have the slightest idea what he said. He was splendid in his evasiveness. And that’s when I concluded back then, and in subsequent conversations: I concluded that he’s not ready to focus on it yet.”
Congress is still waiting for the Treasury Department to issue a prediction for when the U.S. could default on its debt, with top lawmakers operating under the assumption that the so-called X-date is likely to hit sometime between June and August.
If tax receipts come in lower than expected this spring, Congress could face the fiscal cliff with little warning, as it did in 2023. So Senate GOP leaders are anxious for Trump to endorse some sort of plan — especially as they decide whether to raise the nation’s borrowing cap as part of the massive domestic policy package they hope to pass along party lines later this year.
If Trump and GOP leaders seek to raise the debt limit through that process, known as reconciliation, they would need to make the hard sell to fiscal conservatives demanding steep spending cuts in return — and then potentially deliver a similarly forceful pitch to more moderate lawmakers who could be spooked by the political ramifications of those reductions.
One of the deficit hawks, Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.), said the “White House is very well aware” of his demand for returning to pre-pandemic spending levels as a condition of raising the debt limit.
“I know the president doesn’t like this issue. But he has to understand: There are those of us who realize that that’s the only leverage we have to bring down spending, and we don’t want to give up that leverage,” Johnson said in an interview.
House Republicans have already provided for a $4 trillion increase in the U.S. borrowing cap in their budget framework. If that gambit falters, GOP leaders will have to seek Democratic votes to avert a debt default outside the reconciliation process, opening up negotiations that could lead to higher government funding levels or other concessions to the minority party.
Unlike the House Republican budget, the Senate’s budget framework does not allow for raising the debt limit. But many Senate Republicans now endorse the idea of including such language as they decide their next steps toward actually writing their sweeping package of tax cuts and energy policy, along with border security and defense spending increases.
“The only question is whether we can get the votes in both the House and Senate to do it in reconciliation. Right now, that’s the plan,” Sen. John Hoeven (R-N.D.), who is close with Thune, said in a brief interview.
Asked if Senate Republicans have the support for keeping a debt ceiling increase in the reconciliation plan, Hoeven quipped: “If you could find that out and let us know, that would be really helpful, because that’s the question.”
Across the Capitol, several senior House Republicans have also privately acknowledged that they will need a backup plan if they can’t whip enough support for a party-line package that raises the borrowing limit.
Speaker Mike Johnson, Thune and top congressional tax writers are now meeting weekly with Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent to discuss the broader reconciliation effort.
“There are other potential vehicles — any spending bill is an option,” Thune said. Asked about the possibility of pairing it with a disaster aid package — another must-pass item on the 2025 legislative agenda — he added, “We’ll see.”
One thing is clear: There’s no real discussion of including a debt limit increase on the most pressing vehicle — the stopgap spending bill that is expected to move through Congress this week.
Johnson and senior House Republicans have no other plans for the debt limit right now other than to push for it to stay in the budget plan their chamber narrowly approved two weeks ago — and they are largely miffed the Senate is contemplating anything else.
When billionaire Trump ally Elon Musk lunched with Senate Republicans last week the debt ceiling briefly came up in conversation, but no decision was made on a strategy.
Senate Republicans also discussed the issue during a lunch last month with White House chief of staff Susie Wiles. There, Kennedy told Wiles she and Trump ought to be thinking about the best way to handle it. Wiles, Kennedy said, didn’t commit to a specific path for dealing with the debt ceiling and instead said she would talk to Trump about it.
“I just want to make sure that the president understands that if we do it outside of reconciliation, we’ve got to pay bribes,” Kennedy said about the prospect of having to strike a debt deal with Democrats. “There are two doors: Door No. 1 and door No. 2.”
Congress
Jeanne Shaheen won’t seek reelection
New Hampshire Democratic Sen. Jeanne Shaheen will not seek reelection, she announced Wednesday, becoming the third Senate Democrat to announce their retirement ahead of the midterms.
Shaheen, who is 78 and was first elected to the Senate in 2008, said she made the “difficult” decision to step aside: “It’s just time.”
“There are urgent challenges ahead, both here at home and around the world, and while I’m not seeking reelection, believe me, I am not retiring,” Shaheen said in a video.
New Hampshire will be a critical battleground in the fight over control for the Senate, but it was already a challenging map for Democrats to retake the majority even before the retirements.
Congress
Capitol agenda: Johnson puts Senate Dems in a corner
House Republicans passed their stopgap funding bill Tuesday evening, which means Senate Democrats can now no longer delay their long-dreaded decision: Do they give up a chance to stand up to Donald Trump or let the government shut down in three days?
Democrats plan to huddle around lunchtime to try and hash out their strategy for confronting the government funding fight. They have already held one “vigorous discussion,” and even the chattiest senators emerged from their Tuesday meeting tight-lipped about their strategy. Many declined to say if they were unified in their approach.
They don’t appear to be. Republicans need at least eight Democrats to vote in favor of the six-month stopgap, given GOP Sen. Rand Paul’s expected opposition. Sen. John Fetterman is expected to cross party lines. But most of the 20 Democrats we surveyed in the minutes after the continuing resolution passed the House were noncommittal — particularly among the swing-state set.
A few are varying shades of “no.” Sen. Jeff Merkley said he will oppose it, while Sen. Richard Blumenthal is a “likely no.” Sen. Alex Padilla said he would not be in favor unless it offered California disaster aid after the Los Angeles wildfires.
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer hasn’t said a word publicly since the House vote. Sen. Elizabeth Warren issued a charge of her own: “Democrats in the House have shown us they are united,” she told reporters after all but one House Democrat voted against the stopgap. “Why should it be different in the Senate?”
But Senate Democrats are agonizing over a few things: Getting blamed for the shutdown, especially after House GOP leaders sent members home for recess, is a big consideration. And they’re worried it would give Trump — who’s set to be on Blue Light News today for the annual Friends of Ireland luncheon — unchecked authority to shutter even more parts of the federal government. That’s an especially fresh concern after his administration moved Tuesday to gut the Education Department.
“A shutdown is uncharted territory when you’ve got an administration that, at least in some ways, probably would welcome a shutdown because that would give the president almost unlimited power in deciding who’s essential, who’s nonessential, holding up agencies,” Sen. Angus King, an independent who caucuses with Democrats, told reporters. “That’s the dilemma that’s being discussed.”
What else we’re watching:
- Dem retreat: House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries is looking to get his caucus on the same page at their annual retreat that starts Wednesday, especially after a disjointed response to Trump’s joint address to Congress last week. Democrats’ challenge: How do they channel the anti-Trump energy of the Democratic base — and many of their members — while calibrating their message to the swing voters they need to win?
- Johnson and Thune meeting: Johnson met with the Senate majority leader on Tuesday as the top congressional Republicans look to hash out their other big problem: a path forward for Trump’s sweeping domestic policy agenda. “Both of us understand we’ve got to get this done. We’re trying to figure out the best way to do that,” Thune said afterward.
- Visa revisions: House Judiciary Chair Jim Jordan is eyeing his party’s flagship immigration bill as the legislative vehicle for giving Musk the overhaul he wants on high-skilled visa rules. Musk has pushed for increasing immigration levels for those with expertise in science, technology and engineering.
Nicholas Wu, Brendan Bordelon and Hailey Fuchs contributed to this report.
Congress
Mike Johnson gets candid about Elon Musk
Speaker Mike Johnson on Tuesday gave his most candid assessment yet of billionaire Elon Musk’s influence in Congress and the potential threat he poses to legislative dealmaking: “He can blow the whole thing up.”
Johnson, during a fireside chat at Georgetown University’s Psaros Center, described his work as speaker as managing a “giant control panel” with dials for his GOP members, one for President Donald Trump and one for Musk.
“Elon has the largest platform in the world, literally,” Johnson said of the X owner and head of Trump’s Department of Government Efficiency. “And if he goes on and says something that’s misunderstood or misinterpreted about something we’re doing, he can blow the whole thing up.”
“So I spend a lot of time working with all these dials and all these folks, and I just run around all day and make sure everybody’s happy,” he added.
Johnson knows the depths of Musk’s influence from personal experience. In December, Musk helped tank a bipartisan government funding bill that the speaker negotiated, triggering chaos on Capitol Hill just before the holidays.
Musk, who is leading efforts to slash the federal bureaucracy under Trump, has stayed out of Johnson’s latest push to pass a stopgap plan to keep the government open through September. Speaking just after the House passed the bill Tuesday, Johnson called it “a feat” that Republicans were able to do so without needing help from Democrats.
With the funding bill heading to the Senate, Johnson said it would be up to “one man alone” — Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer — to avert a shutdown Saturday.
-
The Josh Fourrier Show4 months ago
DOOMSDAY: Trump won, now what?
-
Uncategorized4 months ago
Bob Good to step down as Freedom Caucus chair this week
-
Economy4 months ago
Fed moves to protect weakening job market with bold rate cut
-
Uncategorized4 months ago
Johnson plans to bring House GOP short-term spending measure to House floor Wednesday
-
Politics4 months ago
RFK Jr.’s bid to take himself off swing state ballots may scramble mail-in voting
-
Economy4 months ago
It’s still the economy: What TV ads tell us about each campaign’s closing message
-
Politics4 months ago
How Republicans could foil Harris’ Supreme Court plans if she’s elected
-
Politics4 months ago
What 7 political experts will be watching at Tuesday’s debate