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Frustrated Dems unleash the F-bombs

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When Rep. Jasmine Crockett reacted to President Donald Trump’s joint address to Congress on Tuesday evening, profanity leaped effortlessly from her lips: “Somebody slap me and wake me the fuck up because I’m ready to get on with it.” Just a few days earlier, when asked of her message to Elon Musk, she told him to “Fuck off.”

Ken Martin, the new chair of the Democratic National Committee, took a more Midwestern approach: “Go to hell,” he said, adding later on X: “I said what I said.” Meanwhile, Senate Democrats launched coordinated social media videos fact checking Trump, each of them calling his claims “shit that ain’t true.”

In the earliest weeks of Trump’s second term, Democrats have careened from strategy to strategy to respond to him, often ineffectually. But one unifying thread as they try to invigorate their connection to the American voter has been a reach for profanity.

Democrats are cursing up a storm.

“Goddamn it, tell me who started that?” said Sen. John Fetterman of Pennsylvania, a frequent purveyor of profanity.

Cursing is, of course, not new in politics. Among operatives, principals and journalists, it is a familiar way to broker instant bonhomie. Nor is it new for the Democratic Party, particularly when confronting Trump: Former DNC Chair Tom Perez frequently deployed profanity in 2017 in stump speeches, saying, for example, that Trump didn’t “give a shit about health care.”

“Goddamn it, tell me who started that?” said Sen. John Fetterman of Pennsylvania, a frequent purveyor of profanity.

But the breadth of swearing is unmistakable, newly fashionable among members of a party in the wilderness who are looking for shortcuts to authenticity to channel voters’ rage.

In recent days, Sen. Ruben Gallego of Arizona said he wanted the “intern” at the National Republican Campaign Congressional Committee who posted “racist shit” on X fired. And appraising the landscape of Trump’s America, Sen. Brian Schatz of Hawaii noted this week that the “stock market is down but at least everything is more expensive and services are getting shittier.”

Politics, the late Andrew Breitbart once observed, is downstream of culture. And linguistically speaking, Democrats are up a certain creek.

Trump beat them to it, using curses increasingly in his march back to the White House, though for some Democrats it is part of their native tongue.

“I mean, I was swearing before Trump, so I can’t really blame it on him,” Gallego told Blue Light News. “I’m gonna blame it more on being in the Marines for as long as I was.”

Now, Democrats are seeking to bottle up their impolite words and serve them up the maw of an increasingly coarse and foul-tongued populace.

“Some of it is genuine, some of it is people trying to seem faux-edgy authentic,” said Lis Smith, the Democratic adviser whose profanity is so legendary that her f-bombs played a hand in earning Amazon’s otherwise wholesome documentary on Pete Buttigieg in 2021 an “R” rating. “If the first time you’ve used a cuss word in public is reading off a script, it’s probably not authentic and not something you should do.”

It’s also become part of Democrats’ increased social media strategy. After posting their “shit that ain’t true” videos on social media, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer made one “breaking down the BS Trump told” during his joint address. (The top Senate Democrat didn’t go as far as saying bullshit in the video though — opting instead for “bull.”)

It is not always working. Last month, when Democrats joined federal workers at a rally of the American Federation of Government Employees to protest DOGE cuts, the profanities nearly rivaled those gathered.

“I don’t swear in public very well, but we have to fuck Trump,” said Rep. Maxine Dexter (D-Ore.), adding, “Please don’t tell my children that I just did that.”

The awkward formulation — which landed less like a diss and more like a proposition — was roundly mocked.

“The key to doing it and doing it well is that you can’t overdo it and you can’t force it,” said Caitlin Legacki, a Democratic campaign veteran. “If elected officials are going to cuss, they have to mean it. If it’s authentic to who they are and how they’re feeling, voters will probably be fine with it and even relate to it. But if it’s not authentic, there’s nothing more cringeworthy.”

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer made a video “breaking down the BS Trump told” during his joint address — but he didn’t go as far as saying bullshit in the video, opting instead for “bull.”

But there is also something more guttural in Democrats’ appeal to a deeply unsettled base.

“The truth is that we’re driven by the same things most people are — like anger at honest folks being denied a fair shot – and we need to prove it by showing fight,” said Andrew Bates, who worked for the famously foul-mouthed-in private Joe Biden. “One way to do that is to call out that Trump’s whole campaign was about lower costs right away – his words – but now he’s raising those costs with tariffs that will fund a tax handout for the rich; and yes, that is bullshit and it shows his true colors and we should be eager to say it.”

Democrats concede their party can’t just be all talk.

“In this existential moment, the Democratic base does want to see their leaders fighting back. But at the end of the day, that means successful legislative and legal maneuvers — not just the occasional f-bomb on a podcast,” said one Democratic speechwriter, granted anonymity to assess the party’s rhetoric.

This person, acknowledging “mad as hell” vibes in the party, added, “Some of it is an expression of authentic outrage at Trump smashing Democratic norms and institutions. Some of it is that — between Trump and his acolytes — the bar’s been lowered on how we expect public officials to comport themselves.”

Deeper still, some Democrats see a core moral failing in the public profanities.

“Democrats who think that vulgarity and dehumanization are reliable, appropriate or beneficial ways to advance their political interests profoundly misunderstand what has happened in our politics and what is required in this moment,” said Michael Wear, Barack Obama’s former faith outreach adviser and the founder, president and CEO of the Center for Christianity and Public Life, and author of “The Spirit of Our Politics.” “These are not tools that can be used in the service of any political goals. These things promote the very distrust, estrangement and animosity which is the fuel for the reckless, antagonistic politics Democrats — and all of us — ought to reject.”

Crockett’s f-bomb got some attention back in her district. She said at the Capitol on Thursday that people called the pastor at her church to “tattle” on her. (Though Crockett added her pastor said he approved her message: “He’s not going to be the one to try to reign me in.”)

For now, she is unrepentant. She said her answer was “real” and reflected her frustration with Trump and Musk’s actions.

“Like I have a potty mouth, especially when I’m mad,” she said. “We’re working on it. We’re going to pray about it.”

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Congress

House GOP tax writers maintain radio silence on their plans

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House Republican tax writers were clamming up Wednesday about their tax plans, a sign that negotiations were getting serious as they prepared to go into a second day of close-door talks.

“I’m not talking about anything associated with our ongoing deliberations,” said the normally chatty Rep. Blake Moore (R-Utah). “We’re in a new phase — everything was hypothetical three months ago.”

“I hope you’re not finding anybody who is willing to talk.”

Moore’s comments came as lawmakers on the Ways and Means Committee try to hash out their draft of a plan to address the expiration of some 40 expiring tax credits, along with additional tax proposals offered by President Donald Trump.

They met Monday for a lengthy policy session, amid Chair Jason Smith’s desire to get a bill — which would also include Trump’s energy, border and defense priorities — to the president’s desk quickly. The Senate, though, is just getting started.

Negotiations in the House have gotten far enough along that Ways and Means has begun eyeing when they might be able to unveil their plans and bring it before the committee to formally approve.

Some Republicans hope committee action would help generate momentum in other committees despite major questions over lawmakers’ stomach for spending cuts that are supposed to accompany their tax plans, and even though negotiations with the Senate over how to proceed are off to a creaky start.

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Congress

Senate Finance Republicans to huddle with Trump on taxes

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Senate Finance Committee Republicans will meet with President Donald Trump at the White House on Thursday to discuss the path forward for crafting legislation to enact broad swaths of the administration’s domestic agenda.

“The president has invited us to join him tomorrow at the White House,” Senate Majority Whip John Barrasso, who sits on the panel, told reporters Wednesday.

One Republican granted anonymity to discuss the agenda for a private meeting said one topic of the conversation will be on whether to use the so-called current policy baseline to extend Trump’s 2017 tax cuts. That accounting method would make it appear as though extending those tax cuts costs nothing. But it’s a controversial tactic among fiscal conservatives who worry that leadership is using it to hide the cost of the party-line bill they want to pass through budget reconciliation — and reduce the need for steep spending cuts to finance that bill.

The meeting also will focus on larger tax policy priorities, the Republican said. Senate Republicans, after initially favoring a two-track approach through reconciliation that would front-load border security, defense and energy policies in one bill before focusing on tax cuts in the next, are now moving towards embracing the House GOP’s approach, which would roll those policies with tax cuts into a single piece of legislation.

Leaders of both chambers are expected to discuss how to resolve differences between their budget resolutions in the coming weeks. The House and Senate each needs to pass the same resolution before the reconciliation process can begin in earnest.

Republican members of the House Ways and Means Committee are holding another all-day meeting Wednesday to determine what will go into the tax portion of the reconciliation bill. The tax writers kicked off deliberations on Monday with Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent.

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Congress

Senate Democrats take stock of their shutdown pickle

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Senate Democrats are grappling with whether or not to support a House GOP funding patch less than three days before a possible government shutdown.

With 52 Republicans expected to back the House-passed stopgap, eight Democrats would need to help advance it to a final Senate vote. So far only one — Sen. John Fetterman of Pennsylvania — has indicated he’ll support it. Other key swing voters are on the fence.

Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.) told reporters Wednesday that he remains undecided on the seven-month funding bill, which passed the House mostly along party lines Tuesday. Asked when he would make a decision, he quipped he’d make up his mind before the end of the Senate vote on the bill, which hasn’t yet been scheduled.

Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.) also didn’t rule out voting for the bill during a brief interview but said that he’s in talks with leadership about trying to get amendment votes to make changes to the legislation.

“We need to try to get some amendments to make it better,” he said.

The lingering indecision comes as Senate Democrats plan to meet Wednesday afternoon for a closed-door lunch where they are expected to discuss their strategy ahead of the Friday midnight shutdown deadline. They face growing pressure from the left flank of their party to oppose the House bill, but it’s not clear any Plan B could pass in time to avoid a shutdown. House GOP leaders adjourned the chamber Tuesday night, with members not due to return to Washington until March 24.

Democrats are privately wrestling with a politically treacherous choice: They don’t want to be blamed for a shutdown and typically eschew brinkmanship politics. And while they don’t want to risk further empowering President Donald Trump and billionaire ally Elon Musk as they slash the federal government, some within the caucus are worried that allowing a government shutdown would only play into the two men’s hands.

One Senate Democrat said Wednesday he will not help pass the bill.

“I do not want to shut down our government, I want to improve it, streamline it and ensure it delivers services our communities need,” Sen. Chris Coons of Delaware said in a statement.

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), meanwhile, joined a chorus of progressives publicly urging Senate Democrats to unite against the bill. She made clear that their opposition should include the 60-vote threshold procedural vote for breaking a filibuster.

“People aren’t going to be tricked with procedural games. They know exactly what is going on,” she wrote in an online post.

Meanwhile, Senate Republicans made it clear on Wednesday that they are gearing up to blame Democrats — and specifically Minority Leader Chuck Schumer — if there is a shutdown. Democrats have tried to put the onus on Republicans to come up with a funding plan that could pass both chambers given that they control Congress and the White House.

“We’re about to find out whether Senate Democrats care more about the American people or putting on a dramatic act for their base. Let’s hope we can avoid the Schumer Shut Down,” Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.), the No. 3 Senate Republican, wrote as part of a series of tweets on government funding.

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