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Why Thomas Massie isn’t worried about Trump’s primary threats

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President Donald Trump has long been able to bend Republican lawmakers to his will with a single online post. The mere hint of a threat that he might announce a member “SHOULD BE PRIMARIED” is enough to bring most GOP members into line.

Not Rep. Thomas Massie.

The 54-year-old former robotics engineer brushed aside that precise threat from Trump Monday night, even with the president vowing to “lead the charge” against him after Massie made clear that he would not vote for the Trump-blessed spending bill pushed by House Republican leaders.

Speaking to reporters Tuesday, Massie met the threat with a bemused shrug and a well-practiced joke about the situation: “He’s going after Canada and me today. The difference is Canada will eventually cave.”

Massie has earned the right to his lighthearted reaction. The president used almost the same language five years ago, after Massie single-handedly forced his House colleagues to return to Washington and vote in person on a Covid-19 response bill at the beginning of the pandemic in March 2020.

Trump at the time labeled Massie a “third-rate grandstander” and said he should be thrown out of the Republican Party. Massie went on to handily win a primary challenge, helped in part by the fact that his opponent had a history of racist posts online.

After the spending bill passed Tuesday evening, Massie said it “feels just like” the day he opposed the pandemic bill and suggested that “the missives directed at me weren’t to get me to change my vote — I never change my vote.

“I think they were to try and keep the other Republicans in line until they get this over to the Senate,” he added.

In a follow-up post Tuesday, Trump again labeled Massie a “grandstander,” also putting his title of “Congressman” in quotation marks.

Since rebuffing the last MAGA onslaught, Massie only burnished his maverick credentials. He won a spot on the House Rules Committee as part of a deal hard-right members struck with former Speaker Kevin McCarthy. That gave him considerable sway over what legislation made it to the House floor.

Later he turned against McCarthy’s successor, Mike Johnson, playing a leading role in trying to get him replaced as speaker when the new Congress met in January. He relinquished his seat on Rules, and amid it all, his high school sweetheart-turned-wife, Rhonda, died.

“I don’t know how to say this without cussing, if they thought I had no Fs to give before, I definitely have no Fs to give now,” he told the Wall Street Journal recently.

On Tuesday, Massie responded to Trump online, calling a post attacking him “misleading.” However, he didn’t directly blame the president and instead said it was a “tweet from Trump’s account.” He separately made clear that he thought the House legislation he was opposing was not part of “Trump’s agenda.”

Massie said in an interview that he thrived on the criticism from the most powerful Republican of the 21st century: “I had the Trump antibodies for a while — I needed a booster.”

Yet it’s far from clear that he is immune from an all-out political assault from Trump. The president, caught up in his own reelection, never really engaged in Massie’s 2020 race, and Trump went on to endorse him in 2022 as a “conservative warrior.”

This time, the presidential attack was preceded by critical posts from top Trump strategist Chris LaCivita — indicating that there potentially could be more political firepower behind a new effort to oust Massie.

Besides the spending bill apostasy, there’s other reasons for Trump and his political orbit to take aim at the Kentuckian: Massie was one of six members of Congress to endorse Ron DeSantis’ presidential campaign; another, Rep. Bob Good (R-Va.), was forced out of Congress after Trump endorsed against Good in a tightly contested primary last year.

Massie has a reservoir of support among the libertarian-oriented, fiercely anti-spending Republicans who came up as part of the tea party movement and now have moved toward MAGA. A handful spoke up in his defense this week, including Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah), who said Massie “has worked harder than perhaps any member of Congress to bring federal spending under control.”

Johnson offered mild support for the maverick: “Look, I’m in the incumbent protection program here,” said Johnson. “Thomas and I have had disagreements, but I consider Thomas Massie a friend.”

“I just vehemently disagree with his position,” he added. “But I’ll leave it at that.”

The question is whether Trump will actually follow through with his political threats this time. There’s reason to be doubtful: Trump recently threatened primary challenges against other dissident Republicans, including Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas), without following through with an immediate endorsement. And history has shown that Trump does not have an especially long memory when it comes to Capitol Hill grudges.

Massie seemed well aware when he asked if Trump would hold a lasting grudge. “It’ll blow over,” he said.

Meredith Lee Hill and Jennifer Scholtes contributed to this report.

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Congress

Jeanne Shaheen won’t seek reelection

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New Hampshire Democratic Sen. Jeanne Shaheen will not seek reelection, she announced Wednesday, becoming the third Senate Democrat to announce their retirement ahead of the midterms.

Shaheen, who is 78 and was first elected to the Senate in 2008, said she made the “difficult” decision to step aside: “It’s just time.”

“There are urgent challenges ahead, both here at home and around the world, and while I’m not seeking reelection, believe me, I am not retiring,” Shaheen said in a video.

New Hampshire will be a critical battleground in the fight over control for the Senate, but it was already a challenging map for Democrats to retake the majority even before the retirements.

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Capitol agenda: Johnson puts Senate Dems in a corner

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House Republicans passed their stopgap funding bill Tuesday evening, which means Senate Democrats can now no longer delay their long-dreaded decision: Do they give up a chance to stand up to Donald Trump or let the government shut down in three days?

Democrats plan to huddle around lunchtime to try and hash out their strategy for confronting the government funding fight. They have already held one “vigorous discussion,” and even the chattiest senators emerged from their Tuesday meeting tight-lipped about their strategy. Many declined to say if they were unified in their approach.

They don’t appear to be. Republicans need at least eight Democrats to vote in favor of the six-month stopgap, given GOP Sen. Rand Paul’s expected opposition. Sen. John Fetterman is expected to cross party lines. But most of the 20 Democrats we surveyed in the minutes after the continuing resolution passed the House were noncommittal — particularly among the swing-state set.

A few are varying shades of “no.” Sen. Jeff Merkley said he will oppose it, while Sen. Richard Blumenthal is a “likely no.” Sen. Alex Padilla said he would not be in favor unless it offered California disaster aid after the Los Angeles wildfires.

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer hasn’t said a word publicly since the House vote. Sen. Elizabeth Warren issued a charge of her own: “Democrats in the House have shown us they are united,” she told reporters after all but one House Democrat voted against the stopgap. “Why should it be different in the Senate?”

But Senate Democrats are agonizing over a few things: Getting blamed for the shutdown, especially after House GOP leaders sent members home for recess, is a big consideration. And they’re worried it would give Trump — who’s set to be on Blue Light News today for the annual Friends of Ireland luncheon — unchecked authority to shutter even more parts of the federal government. That’s an especially fresh concern after his administration moved Tuesday to gut the Education Department.

“A shutdown is uncharted territory when you’ve got an administration that, at least in some ways, probably would welcome a shutdown because that would give the president almost unlimited power in deciding who’s essential, who’s nonessential, holding up agencies,” Sen. Angus King, an independent who caucuses with Democrats, told reporters. “That’s the dilemma that’s being discussed.”

What else we’re watching:

  • Dem retreat: House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries is looking to get his caucus on the same page at their annual retreat that starts Wednesday, especially after a disjointed response to Trump’s joint address to Congress last week. Democrats’ challenge: How do they channel the anti-Trump energy of the Democratic base — and many of their members — while calibrating their message to the swing voters they need to win?
  • Johnson and Thune meeting: Johnson met with the Senate majority leader on Tuesday as the top congressional Republicans look to hash out their other big problem: a path forward for Trump’s sweeping domestic policy agenda. “Both of us understand we’ve got to get this done. We’re trying to figure out the best way to do that,” Thune said afterward.
  • Visa revisions: House Judiciary Chair Jim Jordan is eyeing his party’s flagship immigration bill as the legislative vehicle for giving Musk the overhaul he wants on high-skilled visa rules. Musk has pushed for increasing immigration levels for those with expertise in science, technology and engineering.

Nicholas Wu, Brendan Bordelon and Hailey Fuchs contributed to this report.

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Mike Johnson gets candid about Elon Musk

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Speaker Mike Johnson on Tuesday gave his most candid assessment yet of billionaire Elon Musk’s influence in Congress and the potential threat he poses to legislative dealmaking: “He can blow the whole thing up.”

Johnson, during a fireside chat at Georgetown University’s Psaros Center, described his work as speaker as managing a “giant control panel” with dials for his GOP members, one for President Donald Trump and one for Musk.

“Elon has the largest platform in the world, literally,” Johnson said of the X owner and head of Trump’s Department of Government Efficiency. “And if he goes on and says something that’s misunderstood or misinterpreted about something we’re doing, he can blow the whole thing up.”

“So I spend a lot of time working with all these dials and all these folks, and I just run around all day and make sure everybody’s happy,” he added.

Johnson knows the depths of Musk’s influence from personal experience. In December, Musk helped tank a bipartisan government funding bill that the speaker negotiated, triggering chaos on Capitol Hill just before the holidays.

Musk, who is leading efforts to slash the federal bureaucracy under Trump, has stayed out of Johnson’s latest push to pass a stopgap plan to keep the government open through September. Speaking just after the House passed the bill Tuesday, Johnson called it “a feat” that Republicans were able to do so without needing help from Democrats.

With the funding bill heading to the Senate, Johnson said it would be up to “one man alone” — Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer — to avert a shutdown Saturday.

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