Congress

7 things to watch for during Trump’s joint address to Congress

Published

1 year ago

March 4, 2025

President Donald Trump shocked the nation eight years ago when his first joint address to Congress was, well, presidential.

There was none of what the president now likes to call his “weaves” — digressions from his prepared remarks and other tangents. There was no bashing of the media, no name-calling of his opponents. But Trump is not the man he was in 2017. Emboldened by his sweeping victory, and still seething over the persecution he believes he suffered when he was out of office, the president has more leeway this time around. What that will mean for his address to Congress on Tuesday is anybody’s guess at this point.

“TOMORROW NIGHT WILL BE BIG. I WILL TELL IT LIKE IT IS!” Trump wrote on Truth Social on Monday.

The theme of Trump’s speech will be the “renewal of the American Dream,” and it will include sections on the economy, border security and foreign policy, Fox News reported ahead of the address. An outside political adviser to the president, speaking on the condition of anonymity, told Blue Light News the president plans a heavy emphasis on immigration, with the invited guests expected to feature people whose family members were victims of crimes committed by undocumented migrants.

It is also widely expected that the slashing of the federal bureaucracy will come up in the president’s speech, as the so-called Department of Government Efficiency cuts have dominated his first month in office. And the president is expected to mention the assassination attempt in Butler, Pennsylvania, with someone who was at the rally anticipated to attend, the adviser said.

But if he goes off script? All bets are off, and anyone could find themselves in the president’s crosshairs.

“He’s not a sweeping orator. He tends to be a tactical orator off the prompter, and that’s what I would anticipate,” said Scott Jennings, a GOP strategist who has been a vocal Trump defender on BLN and who was at one point considered for Trump’s press secretary post.

Here’s a look at what to watch for during the Tuesday night address, which begins at 9 p.m. ET.

1. How does Trump address people’s frustrations with high prices?

Trump wasn’t thrilled with talking about high prices on the campaign trail. He famously complained to his supporters at an Inauguration Day rally, “How many times can you say an apple has doubled in cost?”

That attitude has been borne out through his first month-plus in office, with the president spending more time talking about Elon Musk’s efforts to dismantle the federal government and renaming the Gulf of America than he has about inflation. That focus on DOGE has made his allies increasingly uneasy.

Polling shows inflation and high prices remain the top issue Americans are concerned about, and many of them don’t think this administration is doing enough to address them. A recent Reuters-Ipsos poll found that 52 percent of respondents don’t think Trump is doing enough to help the economy and bring down prices, and the University of Michigan’s Consumer Sentiment Index plummeted to a 15-month low in February.

“Economy and illegal immigration. Those were, I believe, the two things that propelled Donald Trump to the White House for a second time, and he has to address both issues with the same verve,” said Barrett Marson, a GOP strategist in Arizona. “Ignore the voter discontent on the economy at your own peril.”

Expect the president to tout the U.S. manufacturing investments companies have made since he took office in January. That includes chip maker TSMC’s Monday announcement that it plans to invest $100 billion in U.S. chip plants, building on the $500 billion investment from Apple and the $27 billion investment from pharmaceutical manufacturer Eli Lilly announced last week. It’s a move that would echo the approach he took during his first address to Congress in 2017, when he touted investments from Ford, Fiat-Chrysler, General Motors, Sprint, Softbank, Lockheed Martin, Intel, Walmart and others.

The president’s allies argue that it’s been only a month, and that no one expected the economy to change overnight. And they say he is addressing the economy with tariffs aimed at boosting domestic manufacturing and executive orders targeting domestic fossil fuel production, along with cuts to federal spending they argue will yield an economic benefit down the road by improving the country’s fiscal health and boosting the private sector.

But it’s unclear whether all of that will be enough to satisfy Americans who are still feeling the pinch of inflation on their wallets. And new tariffs, some of which took effect Tuesday, could make inflation even worse.

“Blanket tariffs make it more expensive to do business in America, driving up costs for consumers across the board,” former Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell argued in a recent op-ed. “Broad-based tariffs could have long-term consequences right in our backyard.”

2. How much time does Trump spend talking about DOGE? And how does he frame Musk’s role?

Trump’s first month in office has been dominated by DOGE’s efforts to upend the federal bureaucracy, cut federal workers and unilaterally slash federal spending. Some of the president’s allies, however, fear DOGE is sucking up too much of the president’s time and attention and believe he should instead focus on passing an extension of his 2017 tax cuts, avoiding a government shutdown and addressing Americans’ concerns about inflation.

Keep an eye out for how much time the president spends talking about DOGE, as well as how he frames Musk’s role in it (a point that has been muddied over the last several weeks by the administration’s messaging both publicly and in court). Last week, administration officials confirmed that Amy Gleason, not Musk, is the administrator of DOGE, while Musk serves as a special adviser to the president.

President Donald Trump listens as Elon Musk speaks in the Oval Office at the White House on Feb. 11, 2025, in Washington.

Musk himself is set to attend the speech, a White House official, granted anonymity to share details of speech planning, said. (Whether he will wear what has become his uniform as of late — a “Dark MAGA” hat and a black “tech support” t-shirt — is unclear.)

3. How does Trump talk about the administration’s progress on mass deportations?

Immigration is one of the president’s favorite topics. During his inaugural address, he promised his administration would begin the work of deporting “millions and millions” of immigrants with criminal records. But immigration has taken an unusually low-profile role in the early weeks of his administration as officials have seen lower-than-hoped-for numbers of deportations — and Trump himself has been reportedly unhappy with the administration’s progress.

The administration has yet to release official, comprehensive deportation numbers. But a recent Reuters report, referencing unpublished DHS data, found that the U.S. deported 37,660 people during Trump’s first month in office. That’s down from a monthly average of 57,000 during the last year of the Biden administration, though administration officials have disputed the latter set of numbers as “artificially high” because of higher levels of illegal immigration.

But expect immigration to once again be in the spotlight on Tuesday night, the outside Trump adviser said. A recent Harvard-Harris poll found that immigration remains one of Americans’ top issues only behind inflation, with 81 percent of respondents supporting the deportation of immigrants who are in the country illegally and have committed crimes, including 70 percent of Democrats.

Trump is likely to focus on a second set of immigration metrics his administration considers more positive: plummeting border crossings. Trump announced on Truth Social over the weekend that 8,326 people were apprehended at the border in February, the lowest number in at least 25 years — and a fraction of the 29,000 people who were apprehended in January and the 47,000 detained in December. (It’s worth noting border crossings had already dropped significantly under Biden’s efforts to clamp down on asylum.)

Fox News reported the president will use the speech to push Congress to pass more border security funding to support deportations and border wall construction.

4. About that mineral deal with Ukraine …

The televised blowup between Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in the Oval Office on Friday shocked much of the world and dashed hopes for a rare earth mineral deal that could have paved the way for a ceasefire. Trump, who in the run-up to the meeting had taken to social media to call Zelenskyy a “dictator,” accused the Ukrainian president of being ungrateful for U.S. support in the war and argued that he had “no cards” to play and was in “no position to make requests.”

Trump told reporters Monday afternoon that he would address whether that deal can be revived during the Tuesday night speech, saying that it would be “great” for the U.S. He’s also likely to address other hot-button foreign policy topics including the ongoing conflict in the Middle East and a new trade war with Canada and Mexico, after 25 percent tariffs on the countries took effect Tuesday.

Watch to see also how he talks about the leaders of U.S. adversaries, like China President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin, and those of its allies, like Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, U.K. Prime Minister Keir Starmer and French President Emmanuel Macron — and which ones he name-checks.

Other topics likely to come up: the Gulf of America, buying (or otherwise negotiating a deal with) Greenland for national security and critical mineral purposes, retaking the Panama Canal and — depending on how punchy the president is feeling toward the country’s neighbor to the north — making Canada the 51st state.

5. What’s his message to Congress?

Trump has made clear his desire to extend his 2017 tax cuts and boost border funding. But he’s largely left the details of how to do so up to Speaker Mike Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune. He only dipped his toe into the reconciliation waters last week when the resolution Trump has referred to as “one big, beautiful bill” appeared to be heading for defeat in the House, making calls that persuaded some holdouts to switch their votes at the last minute.

He’s now expected to use the address to push for increased border funding, though it’s unclear whether he plans to also use the speech to press for his tax cuts and urge Congress to avoid a government shutdown later this month.

“I do think there’s an opportunity here for him to stand in front of the Republican majority and say, ‘Okay, you know, this doesn’t have to be hard. I don’t want to have to do this the hard way. I want to do this the easy way. So let’s do that,’” Jennings said. “It wouldn’t bother me if he told the Republicans in that room, ‘Look, my agenda is your agenda. That’s what people voted for. So I need you to join me here, and we’re going to do something amazing together.’”

6. What doesn’t Trump talk about?

Eight years ago, during his first address to Congress, Trump promised to repeal and replace Obamacare. It turned out to be an ill-fated effort that consumed much of the president’s first year in office before it died a sputtering death. Now, such a proposal isn’t even remotely on the table, though cuts to state Medicaid programs are.

Another topic not expected to come up: abortion. This was Trump’s Achilles’ heel on the campaign trail, and while appointing the Supreme Court justices key to overturning Roe v. Wade is one of the most notable accomplishments from the president’s first term in office, it is not something he wants to spend a lot of, if any, time talking about during his second. (He didn’t even talk about it during that first address in 2017.)

Also, the Bible. It seems unlikely that Trump will reference Scripture as he did during his first joint address, in which he paraphrased John 15:13: “There is no greater act of love than to lay down one’s life for one’s friends.” His second administration has overall taken a more secular turn from his first, trading faith for “common sense” in its new culture war.

7. How do the Democrats respond?

Democrats are looking to use Trump’s speech to highlight the impacts of his second-term policies.

Democratic lawmakers were all encouraged to bring guests who were affected either by DOGE or the House GOP’s budget. They’ve rolled out guests like union leaders, laid-off government workers, people who could be affected by cuts to Medicaid and people affected by the federal funding freeze. Internal party messaging guidance directed lawmakers to unite around a message that said “Trump and Republicans in Congress stand with Elon Musk and billionaire donors.”

It’s part of a less pugilistic stance towards Trump’s speech that will be just as much about his administration and Musk as it could be about the president.

Democrats aren’t expecting a mass boycott like in previous years, nor are major organized protests gaining traction. Some in the party said that they wanted to be present for the speech to show that Trump still faced opposition from inside the chamber.

Still, the Democratic Women’s Caucus is expected to wear pink in protest (in past years, they wore white to honor the suffragettes). And House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries, in a “Dear Colleague” letter Monday evening, announced several pre- and post-speech events, including a gathering of House Democrats on the Capitol steps on Wednesday morning “for an event featuring the voices of the American people.”

Jake Traylor and Nicholas Wu contributed to this report.

Congress

Gottheimer readies AI bill to vet powerful AI models for risk

Published

5 hours ago

June 18, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

Rep. Josh Gottheimer is preparing to introduce a bill mandating that some artificial intelligence companies submit their powerful new models to the government to screen for national security, critical infrastructure, cybersecurity and bioterror risks.

It comes as fear grips Washington over new AI models, such as Anthropic’s Claude Mythos, that could turbocharge existential risks posed by the emerging technology — such as enabling bad actors to engineer superviruses or create deadly bioweapons.

Gottheimer’s forthcoming legislation, details of which the New Jersey Democrat shared exclusively with Blue Light News, would run parallel to a bipartisan effort in the House to craft federal rules governing the technology, and comes as the White House considers a voluntary vetting regime for powerful new models.

Relatedly, the Trump administration decided on Friday to impose export controls on Anthropic’s latest models over national security concerns. Gottheimer told Blue Light News that threats identified from models such as Anthropic’s Mythos “highlighted how critically important it is that we have a mandatory process for the government to review advanced models”.

The coming proposal represents one of the most aggressive attempts yet by a key AI policymaker to mitigate potentially catastrophic risks posed by the fast-moving technology.

Gottheimer, a moderate self-styled dealmaker who has been eager to reach an agreement with Republicans on a national AI framework, currently co-chairs a new Democratic commission convened by House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries that’s been tasked with developing his party’s official AI policy agenda.

The commission swiftly blasted the discussion draft from Reps. Jay Obernolte (R-Calif.) and Lori Trahan (D-Mass.) unveiled in June, saying it failed “to meet the enormity of the moment.”

That bipartisan framework would override some state AI laws and require top developers to disclose the safety and security risks of their new models. It also would tap the Center for AI Standards and Innovation — an office within the Commerce Department’s National Institute of Standards and Technology — to support voluntary model evaluations.

Gottheimer added that his proposal is currently under review by the House Legislative Counsel, which ensures a policy is consistent with existing laws, and is speaking with both Democrats and Republicans to rally support.

Congress

Trump escalates his war on Senate Republicans — and senators are striking back

Published

6 hours ago

June 17, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

President Donald Trump is making life almost impossible for Senate Republicans — and these days fewer of them are willing to just let it slide.

Some lawmakers that were once happy to brush off impulsive and disruptive behavior by saying they hadn’t seen the president’s social media posts or that it was just “Trump being Trump” are increasingly willing to speak out against what they view as bad decisions that undermine their ability to deliver legislative wins as the midterms approach.

The latest irritation was the early-morning Truth Social post Wednesday that upended GOP hopes of quickly confirming a new director of national intelligence and reviving a surveillance bill that Trump already derailed earlier this month.

The chaos that followed Trump’s sudden U-turn on Jay Clayton’s nomination, just hours before a scheduled confirmation hearing, further loosened tongues in the Capitol hallways — even from lawmakers who tend to be reliable allies.

“The president’s timing and communication needs improvement,” Sen. Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.) said. “I think it’s unfortunate. It throws a kicker into the system when we get going and then we have to readjust.”

Asked about frustration within the conference about the recent lack of coordination, Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) added, “Well, duh.”

Kennedy added, “No, I don’t,” when asked if Trump takes senators into consideration: “He wants what he wants, and until he gets it, he just keeps pushing.”

The public frustrations are bubbling up at a crucial moment for Trump and Republicans more broadly. The president sent his wee-hours missive from France, where he was meeting with global leaders at the annual G7 conference and seeking to sell an Iran peace deal that many in his party despise.

Trump has faced recent pushback on several fronts in the Senate, with Republicans foiling plans to fund part of his White House ballroom project in a recent immigration funding deal and forcing the Justice Department to abandon plans for a $1.8 billion “Anti-Weaponization Fund” that could compensate Trump allies.

The president’s frequent demands that the Senate abandon its longstanding filibuster rule to pass more legislation along party lines, including a controversial elections overhaul, have also gone unheeded — adding to Trump’s obvious frustration.

He has now responded on several occasions by simply infuriating GOP senators who believe they are on the precipice of delivering a legislative win — only for Trump to suddenly pull the rug out from under them.

His announcement of the DOJ payout fund, for instance, delayed and nearly killed a critical immigration funding bill. And his decision to tap Bill Pulte, a close political ally who heads a housing agency, as acting director of national intelligence blew up a brewing three-year deal on reauthorizing a key piece of Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act.

Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina, who announced his retirement last year after breaking with Trump on policy legislation, said the dynamic is “undermining our ability to produce the very results he wants.”

“Look, we are not the manufacturing department of the Article II branch — we are the board of directors for the Article II branch,” he said. “You start treating us like that, coordinating with us like that, we won’t have these embarrassing setbacks.”

Trump’s decision to call off Clayton’s appearance before the Senate Intelligence Committee came as Republicans believed he was on track to be confirmed as soon as Thursday. That, they believed, would allow for an extension of the spy law — something administration officials had previously argued is crucial to protect Americans amid the World Cup and ongoing America 250 celebrations.

Instead, Clayton and the FISA reauthorization have become the latest tension point between Trump and the Senate, with the president again hammering Republicans for not passing the partisan elections bill known as the SAVE America Act, while also needling them about refusing to blow up the filibuster and the internal rules granting home-state senators deference on some presidential nominees.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune has expressed his own frustrations in a more understated way than others in the GOP ranks.

Normally chatty with reporters, Thune was unusually tight-lipped Wednesday, saying that Senate Republicans would have to figure out the path forward on Clayton and the surveillance law “one day at a time” and that his relationship with Trump was “fine” amid the public turmoil.

“The president has his own mind, makes his own decisions, so do we,” Thune said.

He later explained in an interview that the White House and Senate Republicans do a “fair amount of coordination.” “But sometimes you get surprised,” he added. “It’s a business model the White House employs, and we’ve had to figure out how to be adaptable.”

The White House said in a statement that Trump has worked closely with Senate Republicans on the party’s agenda over the past year, including last year’s $4.5 trillion tax cut and the immigration enforcement bill passed earlier this year.

“We look forward to continuing these close relationships and fulfilling President Trump’s priorities that Americans elected him to enact,” Abigail Jackson, a White House spokesperson, said in the statement.

Thune and Trump developed a good working relationship at the outset of the president’s second term, a turnaround from tensions that emerged in the period after Trump’s 2020 election loss that included him calling for a primary challenge to Thune in 2022. Several Senate Republicans praised Thune Wednesday for trying to keep the conference focused and said they didn’t believe Trump’s salvos were personal.

“Hating Thune would be like hating golden retrievers. You can’t dislike Thune. I don’t think the president dislikes him,” Kennedy said, while adding that Trump is fixated on the elections bill: “I just think he wants what he wants, and he continues to push. I just don’t think in this instance he’s likely to get it.”

Several other members identified the SAVE America Act as a persistent friction point despite GOP senators showing over and over again that the bill doesn’t have the votes to pass in the Senate. They are eager for Trump, and some of their own colleagues, to turn their focus from infighting to hammering Democrats heading into November.

Senate Republicans, according to two people granted anonymity to describe a private meeting, directly criticized Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) during a closed-door lunch Wednesday over setting unrealistic expectations about passing the bill.

Without naming Lee, Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) took a jab afterward at those “making unrealistic promises and then when they’re not obtained, criticizing one another.”

Cornyn, who lost his bid for renomination to a fifth term this month after Trump endorsed his opponent, also acknowledged the president was the source of “some frustration” inside the Senate GOP around “basically being able to function.”

Congress

Pence-backed think tank joins push to keep kids’ safety bills out of AI package

Published

9 hours ago

June 17, 2026

Blue Light Newsroom

More than a dozen groups including former Vice President Mike Pence’s Advancing American Freedom are urging Senate Commerce Committee leaders to reject efforts to attach kids’ online safety measures to a national artificial intelligence framework, according to a letter shared exclusively with Blue Light News.

The groups argue that the proposed measures could undermine users’ free speech rights while creating new risk to privacy and data security. Their push comes as lawmakers weigh broader AI legislation, and follows reports last week that Sen. Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.) is working with the White House to shore up support for a kids’ safety package that could ultimately preempt some state laws on AI.

The Blackburn-led measure is expected to include the Senate version of the Kids Online Safety Act, which includes a “duty of care” requiring companies to design their products with an eye toward preventing harm to children, the NO FAKES Act and the App Store Accountability Act. It’s not yet clear how aggressively it would preempt state action on narrow issues such as verifying users’ ages on social media.

Think tanks including the libertarian R Street Institute, the Taxpayers Protection Alliance, and industry group NetChoice, are among the 13 total signatories. They take issue primarily with ASAA, which would require app store platforms such as Google and Apple to verify users’ ages, and KOSA.

The coalition is alarmed by age verification requirements that could require users to submit personal information to digital databases vulnerable to data breaches and hacks. It also takes issue with parental consent provisions, which would “inevitably require even more intrusive data gathering to prove both the identity of the parent and his or her status as the child’s legal guardian,” the letter reads.

KOSA is also problematic, according to the coalition, because of its duty of care provision. It argues this would infringe on users’ First Amendment speech rights by “requiring online platforms to suppress certain kinds of content.”

Meta helped kill KOSA two years ago after raising similar free speech concerns with the bill to Speaker Mike Johnson, though it has since dropped its opposition because Blackburn’s package is expected to include language preempting state AI laws, as POLITICO exclusively reported Tuesday.