Politics
Trump’s bringing several billionaires — and their conflicts — to Washington
Donald Trump has reshaped the Republican Party to embrace a brand of populism that prioritizes its working-class base and is at least outwardly skeptical of corporate power.
But since his second election last month, Trump has leaned heavily on aides and Cabinet picks who share a distinctive characteristic with him: wealth from complex business entanglements.
Trump has appointed a raft of rich business people and investors — including several billionaires and multiple Wall Street executives with complex financial interests — to fill out top roles in his administration, raising a vast array of potential conflicts of interest that could span the federal government and complicate Senate confirmations.
The billionaires set to join the second Trump administration include Howard Lutnick, a Wall Street CEO who Trump tapped to be Commerce secretary; Warren Stephens, the CEO of an Arkansas financial services firm who he picked to be ambassador to the United Kingdom; presumptive NASA administrator nominee Jared Isaacman; and deputy Defense secretary Steve Feinberg.
“It opens up the door for there being a lot more possible conflicts of interest because their personal wealth is so vast,” said Delaney Marsco, director of ethics at the Campaign Legal Center.
The potential for conflicts cover a wide variety of industries from health and defense to the financial and cryptocurrency sectors.
The selections exemplify how Trump’s brand of economic populism has still carved out room for the ultra-wealthy. Despite running as a critic of corporate power and economic elites, several of the people Trump has chosen and considered for top roles come from backgrounds in business and finance.
With so many nominees presenting such conflicts of interest — and the general indifference from both Trump and his supporters — the ho-hum response to a new administration populated with so many ultra-wealthy picks is yet another example of how Trump has shattered the Overton window on ethics.
Morgan Ackley, a spokeswoman for the transition team, defended Trump’s appointments and said delivering on the campaign’s promises means “appointing respected professionals and industry leaders to usher America into a new Golden Age. These highly qualified men and women have the talent, experience, and necessary skill sets to Make America Great Again.”
To be sure, the president-elect is expected to pursue policies from trade to labor to antitrust that align with the populist vision he ran on. Some selections — like presumptive Labor secretary nominee Lori Chavez-DeRemer, who is seen as an ally to unions — represent shifts from the pre-Trump GOP orthodoxy.
The wealthy picks and their potential conflicts have become an early focus for the left, including Democratic lawmakers who are fighting the nominees.
One target: Trump’s pick to run Medicare and Medicaid, heart surgeon and TV personality Dr. Mehmet Oz. Democrats argued in a letter Tuesday to Oz that he has many conflicts of interest, including “deep financial ties to private health insurers” — documented in the disclosures he filed in his failed 2022 Pennsylvania Senate bid — and “previous advocacy for Medicare privatization.” The lawmakers asked him to provide assurances that he will “commit to fully divesting of any and all financial holdings related to the insurance industry if you are confirmed.”
Trump’s economic picks are also expected to face scrutiny. Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), who is poised to become the top Democrat on the Senate Banking Committee, has criticized Treasury pick Scott Bessent, a hedge fund executive, as having “expertise [in] helping rich investors make more money, not cutting costs for families squeezed by corporate profiteering.”
Lutnick, the Commerce pick who also co-chairs the Trump transition team, has said he will step down from his companies and divest his interests upon Senate confirmation. He has close ties through his firm Cantor Fitzgerald to a controversial foreign cryptocurrency firm called Tether. The connection could become a focus given Trump’s pledge to overhaul crypto regulations in his second term.
And then there’s Elon Musk, the world’s richest man with a net worth now estimated at more than $400 billion, who could have an opportunity to shape regulations, contracts and budgets in a way that benefits his own interests. Because his Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, will be set up outside of the federal government, the Tesla, SpaceX and Starlink CEO won’t be subject to conflict of interest laws. But by deploying his own wealth to serve as the president’s political enforcer, Musk may be able to maintain his proximity to the president for some time — and to push policies that could improve his own bottom line.
Still, while several of Trump’s picks are facing questions about whether they can be confirmed by a GOP Senate that includes several moderates who will be up for reelection in 2026, conflict of interest issues haven’t been a major focus.
Sen. Mike Rounds, a moderate Republican from South Dakota who is seen as a swing vote on some controversial nominees, said Trump’s wealthy picks “have been successful and they have a different way of looking at things outside of government.”
“The founding fathers wanted folks coming from the business communities to be a part of this process, and that’s healthy,” he said. “You want individuals that get it from the inside, that understand it, and can see what’s going on in the industry. So no, I don’t have a concern in that regard.”
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Ted Cruz, Tucker Carlson reignite feud over Iran war
Sen. Ted Cruz and conservative pundit Tucker Carlson are again trading barbs over Israel and antisemitism, as they renew their feud over the war in Iran.
“I believe Tucker Carlson is the single most dangerous demagogue in this country,” the Texas Republican senator said Tuesday during an antisemitism symposium in Washington hosted by the Republican Jewish Coalition and National Review, before promising to directly take on the popular conservative podcast host.
“I have seen more antisemitism in the last 18 months on the right than at any point in my lifetime,” Cruz continued. “It is being spread by loud voices, the most consequential of whom is Tucker Carlson.”
Cruz’s remarks come after Carlson belittled Cruz and other Americans who trust Israeli military intelligence during his podcast last week.
“No offense to Ted Cruz or all the other dumbos who are always saying, ‘we get all this actionable intelligence, it’s so important, we need [Israel] so desperately,’” Carlson said in the March 2 episode. “Really? Let’s evaluate the quality of that intelligence.”
The ongoing feud between the two leading conservative figures — both podcast hosts and potential 2028 presidential candidates — represents the latest flare-up in a major schism within the party and a likely proxy battle ahead of the next Republican presidential primary, when discussions over the U.S.’ alliance with Israel and combating antisemitism domestically could be defining issues.
Carlson, arguably the most influential pundit on the conservative right, remains close to the White House and buzzed about as a potential presidential contender, even as many Republicans — including Cruz — denounce him. And Cruz, who finished second in the 2016 GOP presidential primary to Trump, is positioning himself ahead of a possible run in 2028.
When asked Tuesday about Cruz’s latest comments, Carlson offered a curt response. “Pretty funny,” he said via text. “He’s running for president against me, which I find amusing since I’m not in the race.”
Cruz has repeatedly criticized Carlson for hosting avowed white supremacist Nick Fuentes on his podcast and not challenging Fuentes’ claim that the “big challenge” to unifying the country is “organized Jewry.”
Cruz has signaled that fighting antisemitism and standing with Israel could be a central part of a potential 2028 bid. “I don’t want to wake up in five years and find myself in a country where both major political parties are unambiguously antisemitic,” Cruz said Tuesday. “I think that is a real possibility, if Tucker and his minions prevail.”
The two have long held differing views on the Middle East — and have been directly sparring for months.
In June 2025, Carlson hosted Cruz on an episode of the “Tucker Carlson Show,” which consistently ranks as one of the most-streamed podcasts on Spotify. The two sparred over Iran, and Carlson said Cruz didn’t “know anything” about “the country you seek to topple.” Cruz, in return, implied Carlson’s criticism of Israel was antisemitic.
“You’re not talking about the Chinese, you’re not talking about the Japanese, you’re not talking about the British, you’re not talking about the French,” Cruz told Carlson. “You’re asking, ‘why are the Jews controlling our foreign policy?’ That’s what you just asked.”
In a subsequent episode of his own podcast, “Verdict with Ted Cruz” — which was the most-streamed podcast of any sitting elected official in the U.S. last year — Cruz launched a defense of his interview with Carlson, saying Carlson was “off the rails.” Later, in November, during a speech at the Republican Jewish Coalition’s annual leadership summit in Las Vegas, Cruz denounced Carlson as a “coward”; at a Federalist Society event in Washington days later, Cruz said many of his Republican allies are “frightened” to call out Carlson because “he has one hell of a big megaphone.”
On Tuesday, Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.), who spoke before Cruz at the symposium, seemed to downplay that concern. Though he didn’t say Carlson by name, he downplayed what he called “so-called influencers” who traffic in antisemitism. “They are not influential,” Cotton said. “They are at least not influential with Donald Trump, who continues to reject their kooky advice.”
Carlson’s anti-Israel ideas — which are the main subject of Cruz’s ire — have garnered increasing support, particularly among young Republicans. The latestYale Youth Poll found that Americans under the age of 35 are far more likely than older Americans to think that U.S. Jews “have too much power.” In the last three years, the share of Republicans under the age of 50 with a negative view of Israel jumped from 35 percent to 50 percent, pera Pew poll conducted last year.
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