The fate of hundreds of billions’ worth of clean energy tax credits is among the last unresolved big-ticket items Republicans are hashing out before a series of planned committee markups on their big budget bill.

The Agriculture, Energy and Commerce, and Ways and Means committees are hoping to advance their portions of the party-line tax and spending package next week. Language could begin trickling out as soon as Friday.

But negotiators say haggling is still happening on what to do with renewable energy incentives and other credits from the Democrats’ 2022 climate law, which are benefitting red districts and states across the country. Ways and Means has jurisdiction over those programs.

“I’ve heard from people in Ways and Means there is a lot of disagreement in the room,” said Rep. Andrew Garbarino (R-N.Y.), who has been helping lead the charge to protect at least some of the credits. “It’s one of the things that’s the most contentious in the room.”

Seeking to put a marker down for where Republicans across the conference might be willing to compromise, Garbarino and Rep. Jen Kiggans (R-Va.) have introduced the “Certainty for Our Energy Future Act.” It would phase out solar and wind incentives, disqualify companies tied to foreign adversaries and preserve the ability of businesses to buy and sell certain clean energy credits — a practice known as “transferability.”

Republican Reps. Dan Newhouse of Washington, David Valadao of California and Mark Amodei of Nevada have also signed onto the legislation.

“The goal was to find a place that people could live with,” said a Kiggans aide granted anonymity to speak about internal deliberations. The aide also called it a “starting point” and a “best case scenario” as this group of Republicans and nearly two dozen others go up against hard-liners who want a full repeal of the suite of clean energy tax credits codified by the Inflation Reduction Act, which President Donald Trump likes to call the “Green New Scam.”

Every vote counts for Speaker Mike Johnson as he seeks to pass a hyper-partisan bill through his razor-thin Republican majority, giving members an inordinate amount of power to make demands. A major question, however, is how far Republicans are willing to go in expending political capital to defend the energy incentives.

There are other priorities Republicans are fighting for, too, and they could take precedence — for instance, there’s overlap among the lawmakers who want to protect the tax credits and those who are simultaneously locked in a fierce battle to increase the income tax deduction for state and local taxes.

“I’m much more passionate about SALT; it is a hill I’m willing to stake my entire congressional career on,” said Rep. Nick LaLota (R-N.Y.). Asked whether that applied to clean energy incentives, too, he said, “No.”

“I’m interested in them; I don’t think we should throw out the entire IRA,” LaLota said. “There are provisions in it which I think are good for the country, are good for my constituents. But I am all in on SALT.”

The brutal political realities of the House GOP are about to upend President Donald Trump’s tax pledges.

A permanent extension of Trump’s 2017 tax cuts is under threat, as are a slew of second-term campaign promises, including exempting taxes on tips and overtime earnings and providing tax relief for seniors.

House Republicans are poised to disappoint Trump because they can’t agree on sufficient spending cuts to pay for his desired menu of tax policies under the GOP’s budget reconciliation plan. Speaker Mike Johnson told Republicans in a private meeting Thursday that he’s now targeting $4 trillion in tax cuts – a half-trillion less than many in the GOP had hoped.

It’s setting up a tough day for House Ways and Means Chair Jason Smith. The Missouri Republican is set to meet with Trump Friday, as GOP leaders scramble to keep the tax package from unraveling. Republican lawmakers and aides have been signaling this week that some of Trump’s pledges will have to be temporary to make the budget math work. Johnson also plans to talk with Trump by phone later Friday about the megabill, including the tax piece.

The tensions are rising among House Republicans who see what’s coming.

“Democrats scare some of my members,” said House Budget Chair Jodey Arrington, who chided his colleagues Thursday for getting cold feet on spending cuts. “They paralyze our conference and, quite frankly, frighten us into inaction.”

Even so, some in the White House are relieved that Congress may hold off from deeper cuts to safety-net programs and are privately rooting for swing-district moderates to win out over hard-liners fighting to slash spending.

Some senior Republicans are downplaying Trump’s last-minute push this week to raise taxes on top earners, but it’s still threatening to stir up a bare-knuckle fight within the House GOP conference with precious time running out. People with direct knowledge of the discussions told Blue Light News it appeared to be more about messaging than raising money available in the budget reconciliation bill.

What we’re watching Friday: Be on the lookout for formal markup announcements as Ways and Means, Energy and Commerce and Agriculture try to move ahead with votes on all of these tough policy questions next week.

And look for further fallout from Thursday evening’s SALT spat. New York Republican Reps. Elise Stefanik, Andrew Garbarino, Nick LaLota and Mike Lawler said they’re rejecting a $30,000 cap to the state and local tax deduction, one number House Republicans are discussing. Johnson indicated there wasn’t yet a formal offer.

What else we’re watching:

— Crypto bill crashes: One of the GOP trifecta’s first major policy pushes is in flux after Senate Democrats derailed a long-awaited crypto bill in a procedural vote Thursday. They accused Republicans of moving to a vote too early, but key Senate Democrats said they’re willing to return to the negotiating table to reach a deal. Senate Majority Leader John Thune could bring the stablecoin regulatory framework back up in the coming days.

— The Library of Congress’ next chapter: Trump’s abrupt firing of Librarian of Congress Carla Hayden Thursday evening triggered intense backlash from top Democrats. Some are now calling for the librarian’s appointment to fall under Congress’ purview, rather than the president’s. Rep. Joe Morelle, the top Democrat on the House panel that oversees the library, plans to introduce legislation to that effect. We’ll see if any Republicans join.

— Duffy pitches air traffic overhaul: Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy is calling on Congress to give his agency cash to modernize the nation’s aging air traffic control systems. The former House member is pressing lawmakers to take action quickly so his agency can execute the plan in roughly three to four years. Expect senators to discuss Duffy’s proposal when Commerce Chair Ted Cruz holds a hearing on aviation safety and air traffic control next week.

Jasper Goodman, Benjamin Guggenheim, Chris Marquette, Meredith Lee Hill, Sam Ogozalek, Oriana Pawlyk, Katherine Tully-McManus and Nicholas Wu contributed to this report.

NEW YORK — The subtext of President Donald Trump’s recent reelection endorsement of Rep. Mike Lawler appeared clear enough: Stay, fight and keep your battleground New York seat red. Also, shelve your ambitions to become governor.

But Lawler isn’t interpreting the president’s Truth Social post as the decree others have.

The suburban Republican, after all, has doggedly built his brand as an independent and has long sought to be the first in a generation from his party to win statewide office in conventionally blue New York.

“Ultimately, my decision is going to be my decision,” Lawler told Blue Light News in an interview the night after Trump’s endorsement. “It’s going to be based on whether or not I believe there’s a pathway in the general election.”

He said he has no interest “in a kamikaze mission” and will make his call by June. In the meantime, the 38-year-old second-term House member has plenty to tackle in Congress, including raising the state and local tax deduction cap, his calling-card cause. He’s calculating that a win on SALT could boost his viability statewide, and he’s also factoring in how potential cuts to Medicaid, federal immigration policy and the impact of Trump’s tariffs might impact his political future. But his stated priorities won’t be easy to secure. Republicans are locked in increasingly tense negotiations central to Trump’s “big, beautiful” spending bill.

Even if he does score key policy wins in the coming months, Lawler will still have a fight on his hands — regardless of which office he pursues next year.

Option A: Republicans want to topple Democratic Gov. Kathy Hochul, but without the messy GOP primary of 2022. Aside from Lawler, upstate Rep. Elise Stefanik and Nassau County Executive Bruce Blakeman are top gubernatorial contenders, and their allegiances to Trump would likely give one of them a primary edge over Lawler. Then, of course, there’s the general election, which would be an uphill battle in its own right, but would likely favor Lawler, the moderate, over Stefanik or Blakeman.

Option B is also tricky: If Lawler opts to seek a third term in purple Hudson Valley, he’ll do so as one of the country’s most vulnerable House Republicans. The stage for the midterms has been set with town halls packed by constituents outraged over Trump’s agenda and a burgeoning field of eager Democratic challengers sharpening their claws.

Trump — whose Truth Social posts can make or break political careers — looms over it all. The president is seeking more influence in his home state, where he built his real estate and TV businesses — and where Democrats successfully prosecuted him.

Several New York Republicans told Blue Light News they see his glowing endorsement of Lawler’s House bid as clearing the path for Stefanik to run for governor.

Trump is closely aligned with the 40-year-old Stefanik, whose nomination for United Nations ambassador he abruptly yanked in March to protect Republicans’ slim House majority. Stefanik, a member of House GOP leadership, and Lawler briefly feuded over their preferred candidates for her House seat, but both their camps said they’ve since mended fences.

Did Stefanik ask Trump to weigh in this week on Lawler’s future? She declined to say.

Would Lawler run for governor without Trump’s blessing? He won’t say.

“He knows I’m considering it,” Lawler said. “Look, obviously, his voice matters, and his thoughts on a prospective campaign matter, but that’s a conversation I will have with him at some point.”

Lawler told Blue Light News he’s spoken with White House officials but not the president himself since Trump’s Tuesday night Truth Social post.

In it, the president lauded Lawler as a “true America First Patriot” fighting to secure the border and grow the economy, proffering a “Complete and Total Endorsement for Re-Election.”

Lawler is widely viewed as a media-savvy workhorse and the best contender to keep his district out of Democratic hands — and he has toed the line with Trump. But he’s made exceptions. His willingness to buck his party has included standing up for Ukraine, opposing provisions that would defund Planned Parenthood and voting with Democrats against a GOP effort to block a measure allowing lawmakers with newborns to vote remotely.

Being tied too closely to the president would hurt him in either general election he’s eying.

Lawler said he’s grateful for the president’s endorsement, but as of Thursday night had yet to promote it on his own social media accounts. Democrats are spreading the word for him.

“Mike Lawler just received a presidential-level snub from Donald Trump,” Democratic Governors Association spokesperson Kevin Donohoe said in a statement. “Donald Trump, and no one else, will choose New York’s next Republican gubernatorial nominee — and it’s not going to be Mike Lawler.”

Republicans who know him said Lawler isn’t afraid to go his own way.

“The only person who will tell Michael whether or not to run for governor will be Michael,” said Dave Catalfamo, a GOP strategist and former top aide to New York’s last Republican governor, George Pataki. “I truly believe that what has made Mike so successful and what has made him attractive as a candidate is his independence.”

For his part, Lawler has continued to stress his bipartisan record — even though its mention has invited jeers at the hostile Hudson Valley town halls he holds in defiance of GOP guidance. Livid attendees have railed at him over proposed cuts to Medicaid and Trump’s deportation plans, with some saying his record doesn’t match his rhetoric and protesters calling him “MAGA Mike.” One constituent in her 60s was forcibly removed at his most recent forum. Lawler has said he opposes cuts to Medicaid for “eligible” recipients. Ever the political animal, he’s blasted the disruptors as activists and even fundraised on the acrimony by encouraging supporters to text “CRAZY” to a campaign number.

In Washington, with the stakes high over ironing out the Republican spending bill, Lawler’s moderate Democratic colleagues have shown an appreciation for him. This week, he and Long Island Rep. Laura Gillen reintroduced a bill to codify the right to access in vitro fertilization.

At their joint news conference, she suggested he bend Trump’s ear on the legislation as he has on SALT, saying, “He probably talks to the president more than I do and maybe he can put in a good word.”

Lawler replied good-naturedly, “You got it.”