Congress
Senators think they hold the key to a college athletics bill demanded by Trump
After House talks imploded this week over the fate of a college athletics bill, senators now believe they have the upper hand in shaping a sweeping package that would enact new rules for a multibillion-dollar industry that has been destabilized by years of political and legal battles.
Sens. Ted Cruz of Texas and Maria Cantwell of Washington, the top Republican and Democrat on the Senate Commerce Committee, have been spending hours every day for the past week at the negotiating table.
“Both of us, I believe, want to get to ‘yes,’” Cruz said in an interview Tuesday. “There’s a real crisis in college sports and if Congress doesn’t act, we are going to see continued damage.”
Cantwell, in a separate interview Tuesday, agreed talks were progressing: “Everybody’s working hard.”
It would be a major achievement if Cruz and Cantwell can land a deal that their House counterparts have repeatedly fumbled. The stakes are especially high for Cruz, who still isn’t ruling out a presidential bid in 2028 and has sought to use his chairmanship of the Commerce Committee to flex his policy chops.
The two senators also would solve a dilemma for Congress, which is being called upon by President Donald Trump and sports officials to pass legislation that would set new limits for how athletes can be paid for their name, image and likeness.
Colleges and universities have been lobbying lawmakers for years to preempt a patchwork of competing state laws governing compensation of student athletes, which is increasingly difficult to manage.
“College sports have been an incredible avenue for millions of young men and women to get scholarships, to go to college, to get an education, to build life skills,” said Cruz, but all that is in “in jeopardy right now” as higher education lacks a fair and consistent set of standards.
“The current path is unsustainable,” he added.
But it remains to be seen exactly how the senators will square their own policy differences — or craft a proposal that would pass muster in the House and avoid the same pitfalls that doomed efforts in that chamber.
“I hope there’s a landing spot,” Majority Leader John Thune of South Dakota said Tuesday of Cruz and Cantwell’s efforts.
He also acknowledged there remained sticking points that still needed to be hammered out, including how to address whether “student athletes are the employees of the universities and colleges, or not, and the question of unionization.”
For months, House GOP leaders have been looking to build enough support for their own legislative solution to this problem, the so-called SCORE Act. They had to pull the bill from the floor last December amid various complaints from hard-liners, including from Rep. Byron Donalds, a gubernatorial candidate in Florida who doesn’t think regulating the college sports industry is the job for Congress.
Since that time, leaders have been working to overcome opposition on their side of the aisle, including by offering concessions to conservative holdouts like Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) on matters like coach salaries and recruitment requirements.
Leaders planned to put a revamped SCORE Act back on the House floor this week, believing they were close to reaching necessary consensus — but other Freedom Caucus members wouldn’t commit to supporting a procedural vote to advance it.
At the same time, the entire Congressional Black Caucus announced Monday night it would boycott a package “benefiting major athletic institutions that continue to remain silent” amid efforts by red states to redraw congressional maps and eliminate majority-minority districts across the South.
That meant two original Democratic cosponsors — CBC Reps. Janelle Bynum of Oregon and Shomari Figures of Alabama — would no longer support the legislation.
A House Democratic aide granted anonymity to share private deliberations said that Republican leaders were relying on only a handful of Democratic votes to try to pass the bill this week after changes to the legislation tilted it farther to the right. The CBC’s blanket opposition killed those chances.
Republican leaders also lost Rep. Lori Trahan (D-Mass.), a former college volleyball player who had been trying to negotiate with Republicans but was unhappy with where they landed. She declared on a press call Tuesday that the SCORE Act as currently written “bails out the NCAA and the Power Two conferences by silencing athletes and rolling back the rights that they fought so hard to win.”
House Majority Leader Steve Scalise in an interview last week stressed last-minute changes were possible, like with any big bill, and that “it’s taken months to build this coalition.”
A Scalise spokesperson declined to comment Tuesday.
Back in the Senate, there’s no guarantee Cantwell and Cruz’s efforts won’t also be overtaken by political pressures related to the redistricting wars — or that the two lawmakers will be able to bridge their own differences. Both were tight-lipped about the status of their discussions Tuesday and where their visions might diverge.
Cantwell said she’s pushing provisions that would protect student athletes and expand revenue for schools of all sizes — provisions from her bill known as the SAFE Act, which would promote women’s and Olympic sports and help smaller schools compete with the traditional sports powerhouses.
It’s unclear whether Republicans will agree to incorporate these ideas but Cruz on Tuesday suggested he was sympathetic to the underlying concerns.
“Women’s sports is in jeopardy, Olympics sports is in jeopardy, and most schools are hemorrhaging cash,” he said. “I believe Congress should act, and I believe we will act.”
One thing Cantwell did make clear is that no matter what proposal she and Cruz come up with, it shouldn’t be associated with the House’s product that’s been so mired in drama.
“It’s definitely not a companion bill,” Cantwell said.
Jordain Carney contributed to this report.
Amid an ongoing tiff with President Donald Trump, Senate Majority Leader John Thune recently joked that public service might be losing its thrill.
“If he could find somebody else to do this job, it might be a big relief,” he told reporters last week after Trump declined to voice confidence in Thune as Senate GOP leader.
But Thune said in an interview that he, for now, anticipates continuing his three-decade congressional career by seeking reelection in 2028.
“My assumption is, going in, that I am,” he said last week after he was asked when he would make a decision about a fifth Senate term representing South Dakota.
But he also left open the possibility things could change as he deals with a mercurial president, a precarious political environment for Republicans and questions that have bubbled up within corners of the GOP about whether he would pursue reelection.
“You know, every election has an impact on that, so we’ll see how it comes out in November,” he added, before reiterating that “the assumption” is that he will run.
Thune’s early assessment of his 2028 plans come as he fights to win elections set to take place this year — the midterm contests that will determine if Republicans keep the Senate majority and the subsequent closed-door, secret-ballot leadership elections that will determine if he remains top leader for another two years.
Thune, according to most GOP senators, is secure in that job, even as Trump sowed doubt in an Oval Office gaggle last week when he was asked about his views of Thune’s leadership.
“We’re going to find out, and I’ll let you know,” said the president, who has repeatedly pushed Thune to pass legislation, the SAVE America elections bill, that does not have the votes to advance.
Even before the latest back-and-forth between the two men, private speculation has swirled around the Capitol about whether Thune might decide to give up his Senate seat just a few years after realizing his long-fought dream of leading the Senate GOP.
“I wouldn’t be surprised if John Thune has had enough,” said one GOP senator who added that “no one would blame him” if he decided to retire in 2028. Like others quoted in this story, the senator was granted anonymity to speak candidly.
Two other Senate Republicans, who both claimed no special knowledge of his intentions, predicted that Thune would retire in 2028. Another GOP senator accused Thune’s right-wing critics in the GOP of trying to use the SAVE America Act controversy to drive down his popularity back in South Dakota, while another Republican chalked any talk of retirement up to “gossip and speculation” versus credible information coming from inside Thune’s orbit.
That’s not to say that Thune isn’t mindful of the obstacles he could face should he choose to seek another term. One is the possibility that Trump could endorse against incumbents in 2028 as he has this year, essentially driving Sens. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana and John Cornyn of Texas out of Congress.
The 2028-cycle Republican thought to be most at risk is Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski, but Thune in the interview jokingly acknowledged his own potential vulnerability.
“I mean, if it were today, he probably — I’d probably be on that list,” he said with a laugh.
Speaking about 2028 incumbents generally, Thune said that while Trump’s endorsement “makes a huge difference … a year from now, we could be in a totally different political footing than where we are now, and the world could look a lot different, so it’s hard to say” what effect the president might have.
Without prompting, Thune also made note in the interview of his state’s history for high-profile Republican retirement announcements. President Calvin Coolidge, he recounted, traveled to South Dakota in 1927 and announced there he would not seek reelection to a second full term in 1928.
“I’m not hinting that that’s something impressive that I might follow,” he added.
Some Senate Republicans are openly encouraging Thune to run again.
His GOP delegation mate, Sen. Mike Rounds, described Thune’s standing in South Dakota as “positive.”
“You’ve got two things: You’ve got social media out there, which is driven by a lot of outside sources and some real whack jobs,” Rounds said. “And then you’ve got normal people that see John, respect him, know him, and know what he’s all about — and those are the people that vote.”
“If he decides to run again, and I hope he does, if he does, [the] people of South Dakota will support him,” he added.
Michael Card, a professor emeritus at the University of South Dakota, predicted that Thune would have to spend more time back in the state but that he was in “good shape” if he decides to run for reelection.
“As long as he is seen as pushing the farm bill forward, I don’t think there will really be any real strong candidate,” he added. “And even if they were a strong candidate, they wouldn’t be as strong as John … who knows everybody.”
It’s not the first time fellow Republicans have wondered privately about Thune’s future.
Frustrated by Thune’s lack of support for his efforts to challenge the 2020 presidential election, Trump backed a primary challenge to Thune ahead of the 2022 midterms. After Thune made comments to the Black Hills Pioneer in December 2021 that his wife wanted him back home and he was seriously considering retirement, GOP senators made a crash lobbying effort to convince him to run for reelection.
Thune decided to run, no credible primary challenger emerged, and he earned nearly 70 percent of the vote in the November 2022 general election.
Thune and Trump repaired their relationship in the lead-up to the 2024 election, with Trump staying out of the race to choose Mitch McConnell’s successor as Senate GOP leader. The two worked closely last year to pass Trump’s “big, beautiful bill” and confirm hundreds of presidential nominees — including by changing the chamber’s rules to approve them faster.
But the two men’s relationship has since seen public splits as Trump has applied a single-minded focus to passing the SAVE America Act — including by nuking the filibuster, something Thune claims is off the table for most Senate Republicans.
Trump told reporters last week that his relationship with Thune was “fine” and that they have a “good relationship” even as Trump hammered him to “get his job done” and pass the GOP elections bill. Some GOP senators have privately predicted that Trump will continue to ramp up the pressure on Thune, though they believe how far he goes will depend on what happens in the midterms.
Some online conservative activists have floated the idea of trying to recruit a 2028 primary challenger for Thune. But the South Dakota Republican Party rejected an attempt earlier this summer to censure Thune over his “failure in regards to the SAVE America Act.”
Thune told reporters Tuesday he had spoken to Trump earlier in the day about “issues that he cares about.”
“I wouldn’t say I’m isolated, no,” Thune said, while adding that he has “been very clear about the prospects for the SAVE America Act.”
Sen. Susan Collins said Tuesday she will vote against Todd Blanche’s confirmation as attorney general.
The Maine Republican, who is facing a difficult race for reelection, said in a statement she would oppose Blanche, citing “several actions that have further eroded the Department’s independence.” She specifically mentioned his role in a controversial IRS settlement with President Donald Trump and over having “promised an anti-abortion organization that he would seek to prohibit the mailing of abortion medication to women nationwide.”
Two other Republicans — Bill Cassidy of Louisiana and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska — are known to still be undecided; Blanche needs one of their votes to secure confirmation.
Rep. Ayanna Pressley (D-Mass.) has once again broken ranks with House Democratic leadership over endorsements, this time to support former Missouri Rep. Cori Bush over incumbent Rep. Wesley Bell.
In a post to social media Tuesday, Pressley called on voters to elect “champions” like Bush, who is in a heated primary rematch Tuesday in a contest that lays bare the party’s divide over Israel.
“Whether in Massachusetts, Michigan or Missouri, we all need politicians who fight for us, not corporations,” Pressley said. Her endorsement comes as voters head to the polls for primaries in both Michigan and Missouri, where progressive challengers are taking on moderate incumbents.
It marks the second time this primary cycle Pressley has endorsed against candidates backed by Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.). Last month, she joined a handful of other Congressional Black Caucus members to support Michigan state Rep. Donavan McKinney in his bid to unseat Democratic Rep. Shri Thanedar.
A spokesperson for Jeffries did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Pressley’s endorsement also sets her squarely against the establishment wing of the party: both Bush and McKinney have been endorsed by their local Democratic Socialists of America chapters.
But the endorsement is unsurprising: she and Bush served as members of the progressive “Squad” in the last Congress and often worked together on legislation. In a previous interview with POLITICO, Bush said she and Pressley continued to talk regularly, even after Bell unseated her in 2024.
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