President Donald Trump’s expanding assault on Iran is poised to pass its first political test on Capitol Hill this week, despite emerging economic fallout and his own warning about more American casualties to come.

Bipartisan attempts to rebuke Trump are likely to fail during Iran war powers votes in the Senate Tuesday and the House Thursday. Most Republicans and a number of Democrats — including Sen. John Fetterman of Pennsylvania and Rep. Greg Landsman of Ohio — are signaling support for what could be a multi-week military operation that’s so far killed Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and other senior Iranian leaders.

Administration officials are set to brief top congressional leaders Monday at 4 p.m. The full House and Senate will then receive briefings Tuesday from Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, Chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Dan Caine and CIA Director John Ratcliffe.

So far, the administration is making the case that it ordered the strikes to stop an imminent threat from Tehran, but it has provided no evidence of such plans by Iran.

Few Republicans appear ready to break with the White House. Beyond Kentucky’s Sen. Rand Paul and Rep. Thomas Massie, who are leading the war powers push on the GOP side, one to watch is Rep. Warren Davidson of Ohio, who said on X Sunday, “America First is supposed to be a policy mindset, not another empty slogan with hollow promises.” It will also be a tough vote for front-line Republicans in competitive seats.

GOP leaders are telling members that the killing of Khamenei was a win and arguing that the strikes were justified after Iran failed to abandon its nuclear ambitions via diplomatic off-ramps. House GOP Whip Tom Emmer (Minn.) pressed Republicans in a private conference call Sunday to show up for votes this week to oppose the bipartisan Iran war powers resolution led by Massie and Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.).

Democratic leaders Hakeem Jeffries and Chuck Schumer say the administration hasn’t presented enough evidence to warrant the strikes on Iran. Top House Democrats and key committee ranking members urged their caucus in a call Sunday night to support the war powers resolution.

With oil prices poised to rise, Democrats are beginning to highlight what could turn into real cost-of-living concerns. Beyond Iran-related oil price pressures, Schumer this week plans to introduce a bill aimed at companies that control the beef market.

The politics of the Iran conflict are spilling over into the ongoing DHS shutdown, with Republicans citing the potential for retaliatory terror attacks in a new push to pressure Democrats to back down on their funding demands. House Republicans are expected to hold another DHS funding vote on Thursday.

Democrats don’t appear to be budging.

“We can do two things at once,” Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) said on CBS Sunday. “We can demand that ICE stop murdering American citizens, and we can demand that the administration not send our kids to die for a war that we don’t need.”

What else we’re watching: 

The Senate will vote on advancing housing affordability legislation at 5:30 p.m. after weekend talks over how to package priorities from the Senate, House and White House.

If a measure passes both chambers it would be the first time housing legislation has cleared Congress in a decade and it could be one of the few bipartisan bills that comes out of Capitol Hill this year — but there’s still a ways to go before legislation reaches the president’s desk.

Meredith Lee Hill, Jordain Carney, Mia McCarthy and Katherine Hapgood contributed to this report.

Most of the political world will be watching Tuesday’s Texas primaries to see who will match up in a blockbuster Senate race. But many House Republicans are instead keen to find out if Lone Star State voters are going to help them solve a big, messy problem.

That would be Rep. Tony Gonzales, the third-term Republican lawmaker who stands accused of having an affair with his staffer and pressing her for sexually explicit photos. She later died by suicide. Gonzales has denied the allegations, which have been bolstered by the release of text messages and interviews given by the late aide’s husband.

Neither President Donald Trump nor Speaker Mike Johnson have pulled their endorsements of Gonzales, which were made months ago. But a growing number of House Republicans are hoping he simply loses his race and rides off into the Texas sunset, according to interviews with more than a dozen lawmakers and aides, many of whom were granted anonymity to speak candidly about the sensitive situation.

What most don’t want, however, is for Gonzales to resign from Congress in the 10 months before a successor would be sworn in, given that his departure would imperil the ultra-narrow House GOP majority.

“Should he lose the primary, which a lot of us expect him to do, he’ll probably just serve out his term,” Rep. Mike Haridopolos (R-Fla.) said. “People still deserve to have a congressman doing the constituent work, et cetera.”

Haridopolos, like other House Republicans, said the allegations against Gonzales are “very serious, to say the least.” He added, “I think the voters in Texas are going to speak pretty loudly. And I would guess that his days are numbered in Congress.”

Text messages that surfaced last week appear to show Gonzales engaging in explicit exchanges with the staffer, Regina Santos-Aviles, asking her for intimate photos and about sex acts. At one point in the exchanges, which Blue Light News has not independently reviewed, Santos-Aviles told Gonzales the requests were going “too far.” She died in September after setting herself on fire in her backyard.

Gonzales told reporters last week he would not resign from office. “What you’ve seen is not all the facts,” he said.

A spokesperson for Gonzales didn’t respond to questions, including whether the lawmaker would provide the additional facts he referenced.

But what has emerged so far has been enough to cause enormous headaches for Johnson, who has had to contend with numerous crises relating to his barely-there majority.

Cobbling together enough Republicans to advance legislation is a day-to-day struggle for party leaders, who can afford no more than one defection on party-line votes where all members are present. Absences and internal dissent from lawmakers mean controversial votes are a constant tightrope for the GOP.

Asked Tuesday if Gonzales should be running for reelection, Johnson declined to say. “I haven’t met with him yet,” he replied. A day later, Johnson told reporters he still hadn’t met with Gonzales but suggested his fate was in the hands of Texas primary voters.

Trump notably left Gonzales out of a social media blitz Friday morning, where he cheered his endorsements in nearly every other race in the state. When Gonzales attended a Trump event in Texas later that day, the president did recognize his presence — but the White House “didn’t invite him specifically,” according to a person with direct knowledge of the matter. Rather, the “event was just open.”

Gonzales’ Republican challenger, Brandon Herrera, said in an interview he hasn’t talked to any GOP leaders or the NRCC about the race. He has, though, spoken to some hard-line House Republicans who have called for Gonzales to step down or end his reelection bid, including Reps. Chip Roy and Brandon Gill of Texas, as well as Anna Paulina Luna of Florida and Lauren Boebert of Colorado.

“There’s no accountability there, and I think he’s about to find accountability on March 3,” Herrera said of Gonzales.

Like other House Republicans, Rep. Mike Lawler (R-N.Y.) said the allegations against Gonzales are “disturbing” and that “Tony has to answer a lot of questions.”

But he said it was up to Texas voters “to render a judgment” on the allegations against him.

Even if Gonzales loses his primary Tuesday — a real possibility not only due to the allegations, but also his narrow 354-vote victory over Herrera in 2024 — he would continue serving out his term as House Ethics investigators probe his conduct.

Whether the public gets a look at the results of the internal investigation remains to be seen. The Office of Congressional Conduct is expected to transmit its report to the Ethics Committee right after the Tuesday primary, but the panel could take weeks — more likely months — before producing a public report.

If Gonzales leaves office first, the report would stay secret under House rules.

Most House Republicans are avoiding weighing in on the allegations facing Gonzales, and on Johnson’s handling of the matter altogether.

“It’s not something I’ve dedicated much thought to,” Rep. Dave Taylor (R-Ohio) said.

But even if Gonzales loses Tuesday, his presence in the House GOP could be a source of heartburn for party leaders.

A small group of House Republicans — most of them women — already want to force action against Gonzales. Luna and others are mulling a censure resolution against the Texas Republican. Luna said she might also try to strip Gonzales of his coveted assignment to the House Appropriations Committee.

“Too much of this has been brushed under the rug lately,” Luna said. “The American people deserve better.”

Luna said she hasn’t talked to Johnson about the moves, which could come up for floor consideration without leadership consent under House rules: “I don’t need to ask for his permission on anything. That is an archaic perspective that is not in line with the Constitution.”

Separately, Rep. Nancy Mace (R-S.C.), who has also called for Gonzales to resign, is vowing to force a vote on the House floor this week responding to allegations against the Texas Republican and other men in Congress who have faced misconduct allegations. Her measure would require the Ethics Committee to publicly release information on sexual harassment violations and alleged violations by members on a rolling basis.

While senior Republicans privately believe the effort will fail, Mace and some GOP allies are vowing to keep the spotlight on their colleagues’ alleged bad behavior — pushing for hearings and investigations.

Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.), who chairs a House Oversight subcommittee, indicated Thursday he was prepared to pick up the baton and pursue the matter through his panel.

“I plan to move on it,” he said.

Jasper Goodman contributed to this report.

Congress is set to vote next week on ending the U.S. military campaign in Iran in what will be an effective referendum on President Donald Trump’s decision to launch a new war in the Middle East.

Bipartisan efforts to have the House and Senate weigh in to forestall a possible Iran attack have been brewing for months and accelerated in recent weeks as the Pentagon undertook a massive buildup in the region. With American and Israeli munitions now striking Iranian targets, backers of the push to check Trump are calling for an immediate vote.

“The American people are tired of regime change wars that cost us billions of dollars and risk our lives,” Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), who is co-leading the House effort, said in a video message Saturday morning. “Every member of Congress must go on the record today on how they will vote.”

The lawmakers leading the effort to end the hostilities are casting the votes as an opportunity to put political pressure on Trump and his Republican allies in Congress, not as a definitive way to force the bombing to end. A succession of presidents have questioned the constitutionality of the 1973 war powers law the lawmakers are seeking to invoke, and similar recent efforts to restrain Trump from military strikes have failed.

Though many Democrats called Saturday for both chambers to return to session immediately, GOP leaders are not altering their plans, according to six people granted anonymity to discuss internal deliberations.

The Senate is not scheduled to return to session until Monday night, with a vote on an Iran resolution expected as soon as Tuesday, according to another person granted anonymity to disclose private scheduling. The House isn’t scheduled to hold votes until Wednesday, and two people with knowledge of the plans said administration officials are likely to brief lawmakers before the Iran measure comes up Wednesday or Thursday.

In the early hours after the strikes Saturday, only a few Republican lawmakers indicated they might vote to end them. Several House Democrats said they would oppose the war powers push, effectively assuring a vote will fail.

But Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.), who is leading the House effort with Khanna, said in an interview it was instrumental to protect Congress’s constitutional role in declaring war and to hold the Trump administration accountable for its decision to put troops in harm’s way.

“Congressional debate and authorization is important to define the scope and objectives of the war for our military,” he said. “We owe this to our soldiers.”

Massie said the Saturday strikes have undermined some arguments he had heard against moving forward with a congressional vote.

“Some said limited attacks would not constitute war, but the President himself used the term ‘war’ last night,” he said, referring to a Trump video message released early Saturday morning. “And some said it would be premature to direct the President to withdraw from hostilities that hadn’t occurred yet, but we’ve obviously passed that point now.”

Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.), who is leading the war powers push in the Senate with Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.), called the strikes “a colossal mistake” and urged Republicans to “immediately return to session” for a vote on his measure.

“Every single Senator needs to go on the record about this dangerous, unnecessary, and idiotic action,” he said in a statement.

“As with all war, my first and purest instinct is [to] wish Americans soldiers safety and success in their mission,” Paul said in a X post. “But my oath of office is to the Constitution, so with studied care, I must oppose another Presidential war.”

Paul was the only Republican to support restraining Trump in June, after he launched strikes on Iranian nuclear sites. Senators voted 53-42 to reject that measure, and there is no immediate indication the vote count will change.

Most Republicans weighing in Saturday sidestepped the possibility of a congressional vote entirely. One who did not, Sen. Thom Tills of North Carolina, said in a statement only that lawmakers would “determine whether a broader scope and further military action requires an authorization by Congress“ following a full briefing from the Trump administration.

Rep. Warren Davidson (R-Ohio) reposted an X message Saturday from earlier in the week where he said “no case has been made” for military strikes and that he would support restraining Trump in “the absence of new information.”

In a more recent sign that congressional Republicans are hesitant to check Trump’s use of military force, the Senate ultimately voted down an effort to block further military operations in Venezuela after the January operation to remove authoritarian president Nicolas Maduro. Five GOP senators initially voted against the administration, allowing the measure to advance, but two later switched positions.

Rep. Derrick Van Orden (R-Wis.) said in an interview that it’s “just not true” that Trump is in violation of the 1973 war powers law, which includes a congressional notice requirement and a 60-day deadline for seeking lawmaker approval. He accused those pushing the vote — primarily Democrats, but also calling out Massie —- as “trying to undermine the United States of America because they hate President Trump.”

“We have men and women right now in harm’s way, and we have Democrats right now trying to undermine the commander-in-chief, which means they’re trying to undermine the military, and these people need to knock it off now,” he said.

Top Democratic leaders, including Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and top members of the congressional Intelligence committees, all criticized Trump Saturday for acting without formal congressional approval.

“The Trump administration must explain itself to the American people and Congress immediately, provide an ironclad justification for this act of war, clearly define the national security objective and articulate a plan to avoid another costly, prolonged military quagmire in the Middle East,” Jeffries said, adding that Democrats are “committed to compelling a vote” on the Massie-Khanna measure.

But some Democrats are hesitant to place fetters on Trump as he moves to obliterate an Iranian regime they have long criticized.

Sen. John Fetterman of Pennsylvania, who was the only Democrat to oppose the June war powers effort, said in a Fox News interview Saturday morning that “I fully support these kind of things, and I’m proud to stand with our military and Israel through this.”

Democratic leaders in the House believe some moderate members of their caucus will oppose the Iran war powers resolution, according to three other people granted anonymity to describe internal conversations. House Democrats are set to discuss the measure and Trump’s military action on a caucus call Sunday night.

Rep. Greg Landsman of Ohio, a Democrat who has been supportive of Israel, plans to oppose the House war powers measure, a spokesperson confirmed Saturday.

“Thank you to our brave service members who are leading this effort, and I pray their work will finally free the people of Iran and those in the region from more violence or war,” Landsman posted after the strikes began.

Joe Gould, Connor O’Brien and Leo Shane III contributed to this report.