Politics
Shapiro tests Democrats’ data center strategy
PHILADELPHIA — Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro, a bellwether Democrat on AI and data centers, is tempering his message ahead of his reelection campaign.
Shapiro, a swing-state Democrat and a 2028 presidential prospect, has staked his state’s economic fortunes on the tech industry. He wooed a $20 billion investment from Amazon along with major investments by Microsoft and Google. Shapiro has backed President Donald Trump’s call for more nuclear and natural gas plants to power new tech hubs.
He’s now trying to hedge his bet as data centers absorb a nationwide backlash from voters increasingly concerned about their impact on electricity bills.
“Pay for your own power, so it’s not saddling local businesses or homeowners with higher costs,” Shapiro said in an interview with Blue Light News earlier this month from a union hall in Philadelphia.
It’s an unmistakable pivot by a leading practitioner of data center politics who along with other Democratic governors has been trying to bring under control rising electricity prices that could be political kryptonite for both parties. Household electricity bills are rising at twice the rate of inflation. In recent weeks, Shapiro has joined Arizona Gov. Katie Hobbs, New York Gov. Kathy Hochul and other Democrats who are sharpening their tone and putting new policies in place to try to claw back taxpayer expenses, increase pressure on utility companies and address local backlash against development.
“Too many of these projects have been shrouded in secrecy, with local communities left in the dark about who is coming in and what they’re building,” Shapiro said in his annual address to the Pennsylvania General Assembly earlier this month.
Shapiro, who is riding high in the polls as he launches his reelection campaign, is pitching the AI and data center boom as a source of union jobs during the yearslong construction phase — but also trying to manage the boom’s potential to alienate other voters.
Christopher Borick, a political science professor at Muhlenberg College in Allentown, said Shapiro’s “get stuff done” political brand runs into trouble if voters tie energy affordability concerns to data center projects.
“People have started to connect the demand for AI and data centers to pricing,” he said.
Jobs and energy
Few Democrats have anticipated the data center zeitgeist as deftly as Shapiro. Shortly after taking office in 2023, he ordered an analysis of where the state and U.S. economies were headed. AI jumped out as a key opportunity, a top adviser said.
“Not just because we thought it was cool, but because we have strengths,” said Rick Siger, a former Obama staffer who serves as Shapiro’s secretary of community and economic development.
Carnegie Mellon University, a top engineering and technology school, was a selling point. So was the state’s manufacturing base, which makes hardware for data centers and boasts tech companies that will deploy advanced AI. Shapiro’s team fixated on what major developers were after. “Speed matters, in particular to companies that are competing in AI,” Siger said.
In June 2025, Shapiro announced Amazon’s $20 billion investment in two data center complexes: one in the Philadelphia suburbs of Bucks County and another south of Wilkes-Barre.
“The employees will be making, in some cases, double the average wage in that county,” Siger said, “to work in a high-tech job and be able to stay home and raise their kids in their hometown.” The data center piece of the AI juggernaut also works well for Shapiro’s union-heavy constituency. He toured Steamfitters Local Union 420’s training center in Philadelphia earlier this month, which is training apprentices to install cooling systems for the computer chips packed in wall-to-wall racks inside the cluster of AI factories being developed in Bucks County.
Rory Carroll, a 42-year-old steamfitter who was among the trainees greeting Shapiro, said he’s “tried everything” to make a living. “I sold cars, delivered pizza, managed a supermarket.” Now, he says he’s on a rising tide.
Local officials in Bucks County — which Trump flipped red in 2024, for the first time since 1988 — are wary but welcoming.
“Do I think the trend of technology replacing jobs will continue with the data centers? Of course I do,” said Erin Mullen, vice chair of the Falls Township Board of Supervisors. But she said the temporary construction jobs were worth pursuing. “This is a blue-collar township,” Mullen said. “So even though the jobs are temporary, a lot of families here survive on temporary jobs, and this is huge for the trades.”
Data centers’ demand for energy also works for Shapiro, who’s been touting the state’s large natural gas reserves in talks with tech companies. Last summer, he joined Trump and the state’s Republican senator, Dave McCormick, in Pittsburgh to announce multibillion-dollar commitments for restarting aging hydropower and expanding electricity generation from nuclear and natural gas.
Now, after cuts to federal renewable energy tax credits, he’s still touting Pennsylvania energy — with a partisan edge.
“I’m an ‘all-of-the-above’ energy governor,” Shapiro said in the Blue Light News interview. “Unfortunately, the president of the United States has cut hundreds of millions of dollars from clean energy development in this commonwealth, which has cost us 26,000 union trade jobs who were set to work on these projects.”
“I don’t think it’s an either-or — it’s a both-and,” he continued. “We need to generate more power. Yes, it will rely in part on Pennsylvania natural gas. We also need to generate more power with renewables.”
Power politics
Shapiro’s call for data center developers to pay for electricity infrastructure that could drive up utility bills echoes the Trump administration’s recent rhetoric exhorting them to “pick up the tab” — but Shapiro’s focus on power bills was a long time coming.
In July 2024, as Shapiro was chasing Amazon, mid-Atlantic ratepayers were hit with a $14.7 billion, one-year charge from PJM Interconnection, the region’s electricity grid manager. The double-digit cost increases in utility bills came as a result of projections that electricity supplies could fall short of demand across the 13-state region stretching from northern Virginia to Chicago.
Shapiro demanded a price cap in December 2024 on the fastest-rising part of PJM customers’ electricity bills — a headline-grabbing event in Pennsylvania. And he’s threatened to pull Pennsylvania out of the PJM market all together, a major uprooting of the way power is delivered in the region. He’s attacked PJM for its byzantine utility-heavy leadership structure that leads to a sclerotic response to rising power prices.
According to federal data, electricity prices in Pennsylvania rose roughly 20 percent between November 2024 and November 2025 — the highest rate in the country. And PJM has warned that states could face power shortages by the end of the decade if the construction of new data centers race ahead of the energy supply.
“PJM is broken,” Shapiro said in December. “They’re too damned slow. And the needs we have in this country to produce more energy to support everything from data centers to more manufacturing need to be met. And we are being held captive.”
The enormously complex market rules that affect power prices in Shapiro’s state are outside average Americans’ conversations. But Shapiro and Trump have tied a rising part of their political parties’ credibility to the outcome of their pledges to make data centers pay their own way.
In January, Shapiro went to the White House alongside other East Coast governors of both parties to call for PJM to control power prices — and for data centers to “bring their own power” through long-term contracts with new generation developers.
Big tech companies are starting to sign on. Trump used a Truth Social post in early January to announce the White House was working with tech companies to get more agreement on containing the public cost of energy infrastructure. Microsoft then pledged to shoulder more of those costs.
Shapiro’s tack could work for him, according to recent polling.
A POLITICO poll released last week showed an electorate still wrestling with the data center question. Respondents’ top concerns surrounding data centers were power prices and the risk of blackouts — yet they were generally willing to support a new data center in their area evenif it hikes their power bills.
In his address to lawmakers, Shapiro proposed a three-pronged strike against rising energy costs — proposing new rules for data center developers, electric utilities and the regional grid PJM. He pledged to “hold data center developers accountable to strict standards if they want our full support.”
Last week, PJM agreed to extend price controls on future electricity production into 2030.
AUSTIN — Democrats’ vision of a blue Texas is finally here.
James Talarico has been elected a U.S. senator and Gina Hinojosa as governor, the first Democrats to win either office in more than a generation. The four other statewide candidates are leading as ballots continue to be counted. Democrats further down the ballot are leading some red districts, changing the complexion of the state legislature, congressional delegation and courts.
“It’s something that I haven’t seen in decades, that none of us have seen in decades,” said former Texas House Speaker Joe Straus, a moderate Republican.
It’s an outcome that even the most bullish Democrats didn’t dare enunciate in the late days of the election. But as results have poured in Tuesday night, the party is outpacing its expectations across the country’s second most populous state amidst a national romp.
Both Hinojosa’s and Talarico’s victory margins came by running up vote counts in Texas’ deep-blue urban centers and while also leading in the largest Republican-led county in the country, Tarrant County. They reversed Republican gains across the Latino-heavy Rio Grande Valley region, an ancestrally Democratic area that had swung hard to the right in recent years. Democratic Rep. Vicente Gonzalez romped to a near-20 point victory in a seat Republicans drew to favor them during last year’s redrawing of the state’s House map, ousting a top Republican recruit who campaigned alongside Speaker Mike Johnson to begin election day.
It amounts to a set of remarkable results in a state that hasn’t elected a Democrat to the U.S. Senate since 1988 and to the governor’s mansion since 1990. In recent cycles, Democrats have tried and failed to flip the state in presidential and U.S. Senate contests but have been largely uncompetitive for state offices. But Tuesday’s blue wave slammed into Texas particularly hard, as it combined frustrations over the economy, immigration enforcement, data centers and corruption with a collapse of Trump’s 2024 coalition.
“We reminded voters that Republicans have been in charge in Texas for 30 years. That every problem we have, was caused by Republicans,” Michelle Lowe Solis, chair of the Bexar County Democratic Party. “They aren’t going to fix the problems, they caused them.”
As votes continue to be counted, Democrats appear poised to blunt the impact of Republicans’ attempted gerrymander, likely sweeping the Rio Grande Valley congressional seats while holding onto another San Antonio-area district drawn to favor Republicans. In state Supreme Court races, they lead in all four seats up for grabs, potentially turning a 9-0 conservative majority into a 5-4 split. Among the first 36 state house races called by the Associated Press, 34 have gone to Democrats and just two to Republicans.“Voters aren’t dumb,” said Rep. Linda Sanchez (D-Calif.), who chairs the Congressional Hispanic Caucus’ BOLD PAC. “Even though the Republicans have tried to cheat with the series of gerrymanders, that has, I think, only made voters in those areas more willing to participate.”
Talarico’s and Hinojosa’s victories will be felt nationally. Texas Democrats, who have long asked for national money and resources in a state where elections are costly, now have a test case of how to win. And it will bolster their arguments that their state, with 40 electoral votes, should be treated as a presidential battleground.
Ali Bianco and Jonathan Martin contributed reporting.
Just a few hours into election night, Republicans acknowledged what appeared to be a historic midterm defeat — a long-feared “blue wave” that had started washing across the nation.
The extent of the washout became clear soon after polls closed: Republicans lost a South Carolina Senate seat for the first time in nearly 30 years. Democrats nipped on the heels of House incumbents in deep red Florida districts. And the man in charge of the party’s House reelection effort was at grave risk of losing his own seat.
By 10 p.m., Democrats had already flipped three GOP House seats — itself enough to win a majority if Republicans can’t make gains elsewhere — and many in the party feared dozens more could follow as voters registered their dissatisfaction with President Donald Trump.
Voters in Texas, a ruby-red state for a generation, appeared at risk of handing multiple statewide races to Republicans and possible control of the legislature. Joe Straus, a former state House speaker, cast it as a historic rebuke of an unpopular president.
“President Trump hasn’t exactly done any Republicans favors across the country,” he said on a Blue Light News election night broadcast. “They haven’t done themselves favors, frankly, by following so closely along.”
Many of the political professionals charged with getting GOP candidates elected in this environment said the results could be potentially historic in nature.
“We are looking at tsunami territory,” said one national Republican operative who, like others, was granted anonymity to candidly describe the returns.
“This is the worst electoral defeat in my lifetime and likely in history,” said another GOP operative working on battleground races. “Trump said his name and record was on the ballot and people responded — resoundingly.”
At an ill-fated victory party for Senate candidate Michael Whatley in North Carolina, staff were already packing up the room less than two hours after polls closed. Returns showed Democrat Roy Cooper on track to win by as many as 20 points in a race that was supposed to have been tooth-and-nail.
Standing in the room, one North Carolina Republican openly pondered what many others in the party had long avoided saying openly — that it was finally time to think about life after Trump.
“Trump has done some excellent things, and I appreciate that. But it can’t be the party of Trump forever,” said Jonathan Fletcher, a former GOP county chair. “If the Republican Party is going to be serious about winning, we have to be serious about winning people in the middle.”
Nearly every state, district and county shows movement toward Democrats, from counties that Trump won three times to blue strongholds where Democrats are improving their margins. County-level data shows Democrats doing on average more than 5 points better than Kamala Harris did in the 2024 presidential race.
That suggests that districts Trump won by double digits just two years ago are in reach for Democrats.
The losses threatened to pile up even after Republican candidates, committees and super PACs spent massive sums in an effort to retain control of Congress — including more than $380 million from President Donald Trump’s political operation.
“I can’t believe how these House races aren’t close given the amount spent,” a senior Senate GOP operative said. Another senior Senate GOP official called it a “bloodbath.”
Many of the Republicans said the war in Iran, which sent voters’ gas prices soaring, and continued frustration with the economy drove frustration with a party that won on those same issues in 2024.
On top of that some quickly vented about substandard candidates — such as Darline Graham in the South Carolina Senate race and Ken Paxton in the Texas Senate contest.
“Not only were folks upset about the war, inflation and gas prices, but add to that the fact they think he was making them eat a shit sandwich in Darline, and they just had enough,” said Mick Mulvaney, a former Trump White House chief of staff and South Carolina congressman.
Trump said on Truth Social his own absence from the ballot for the drastic Republican underperformance — even after barnstorming the country begging Republicans to “vote like I’m on the ballot.”
“I wasn’t on the Ballot and if I was, we would have won IN A LANDSLIDE!” Trump posted shortly after 10:30 p.m.
Other Republicans were ready to blame Trump’s own decisions.
“Republicans got their asses kicked tonight because of the Iran war — plain and simple. Everything else is just noise and spin,” said a person close to the White House.
Meanwhile, power in Washington was already shifting. The likely next chair of the House Oversight Committee, who has been gearing up for massive probes into the Trump administration, issued a two-word statement Tuesday addressed to administration officials and the “Trump Crime Family.”
“Lawyer up,” Rep. Robert Garcia of California said.
Will Steakin, Erin Doherty, Lauren Fedor, Ashley Ahn and Lisa Kashinsky contributed to this report.
Joe Biden was unceremoniously ushered out of the White House two years ago.
On Tuesday, he got a small measure of revenge.
Prominent Biden administration alumni are winning in a handful of notable races, with Keisha Lance Bottoms — the one-time Atlanta mayor turned Biden’s senior adviser and director of the Office of Public Engagement — leading the pack by flipping Georgia’s governorship.
The victories, his former staffers say, are an important part of rehabilitating his legacy within a Democratic Party that all but banished him in 2024.
“It’s proof that President Biden assembled a talented team of public servants — who the public is calling on now to help turn this country around,” said Ron Klain, Biden’s former chief of staff. “These fantastic men and women will make life more affordable, health care more available, protect our rights, fight corruption, and make our country stronger.”
Biden was not a regular on the trail this year, and most Democrats kept their distance from the former president. But he did weigh in on a handful of primaries, helping put loyal lieutenants in front of voters who still held him in high regard.
While Bottoms was the highest profile victory, there’s a number of Biden alumni also poised to head to Washington. Gabe Amo, who won a 2023 special election in a blue Rhode Island seat, secured his first full term in Congress. And Dan Koh, who won Massachusetts’ 6th District to succeed Rep. Seth Moulton, was Biden’s deputy Cabinet secretary and deputy director of the White House Office of Intergovernmental Affairs.
He leaned into his Biden endorsement throughout the campaign and this week reposted a video of a phone call he and his family had with Joe and Jill Biden on primary night in September.
“Mr. President and Madame first lady, thank you so much for all of your support,” he told them. “It wouldn’t have been possible without both of you. … You changed my life by giving me a job of a lifetime. And you got my back the minute I decided to run.”
Biden’s Cabinet also had a strong night in other governor races. Xavier Becerra, Biden’s secretary of Health and Human Services, had a solid polling lead over Republican Steve Hilton in the race to be California’s next governor going into Tuesday. And, Deb Haaland, Biden’s Interior secretary, was projected to win the New Mexico governor race.
“In his farewell speech, President Biden warned that ‘an oligarchy is taking shape in America of extreme wealth, power, and influence that literally threatens our entire democracy,’” said Andrew Bates, the former president’s longtime spokesperson. “He urged his team and supporters to keep standing up for the values that we all care about, including decency, hard work, and a sense of national community. On the ballot and off, a whole lot of his alumni are fighting to carry on that legacy.”
- Democrats are on track to control Congress. What will they do with their power?
- Democrats are ready to run Congress — and investigate all things Trump
- Democrats sweep Texas
- The blue wave is cresting: GOP braces for midterm wipeout
- Biden’s revenge: His alumni are winning in the midterms
- Trump’s DC golf course plan revealed
- Poll: Republican voters want their party to talk more about the economy
- ‘We forgot what it’s like to be populist’: Republicans see Trump’s 2024 crumbling
- The affordability election that teaches Democrats nothing
- The ‘Armageddon’ election
-
Politics2 years agoFormer ‘Squad’ members launching ‘Bowman and Bush’ YouTube show
-
Politics1 year agoJohn Legend advises Trump to drop the ‘dictator s‑‑‑’ if he wants Nobel Peace Prize
-
Uncategorized2 years ago
Bob Good to step down as Freedom Caucus chair this week
-
The Josh Fourrier Show2 years agoDOOMSDAY: Trump won, now what?
-
The Dictatorship2 years agoPete Hegseth’s tenure at the Pentagon goes from bad to worse
-
Politics2 years agoFormer Kentucky AG Daniel Cameron launches Senate bid
-
The Dictatorship2 years agoLuigi Mangione acknowledges public support in first official statement since arrest
-
Politics2 years agoBlue Light News’s Editorial Director Ryan Hutchins speaks at Blue Light News’s 2025 Governors Summit