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Capitol agenda: Powell probe stiffens GOP spines

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The Justice Department’s move to investigate Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell is shaping up to be one of the Trump administration’s most unpopular actions yet among Capitol Hill Republicans.

— Republicans recoil: The DOJ probe into Powell’s June hearing testimony is causing heartburn in the Senate, which controls the fate of his successor. After Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) threatened Sunday to vote against any nominee until the criminal investigation is resolved, other Senate Banking Republicans like Sens. Kevin Cramer (N.D.) and Dave McCormick (Pa.) joined in to signal their disapproval Monday.

Cramer is no fan of Powell and called him a “bad” Fed chair. But he added, “I do not believe, however, that he is a criminal.”

Few Republicans are openly cheering the decision. Rep. Anna Paulina Luna (R-Fla.), who referred perjury allegations against Powell to the DOJ last summer, is the exception. Even other hard-liners who have long wanted to see Powell gone declined to comment on whether the probe was justified.

“That’s way outside my jurisdiction,” House Freedom Caucus Chair Andy Harris (R-Md.) told Blue Light News when asked if the probe was warranted.

— A notable silence: Despite the critiques from members of his committee, Banking Chair Tim Scott has stayed mum. It’s not unusual for Scott, who declines hallway interviews, to stay quiet. But it’s conspicuous as others in the GOP speak up on behalf of the Fed’s independence.

Scott’s silence contrasts with public statements from the likes of Senate Majority Leader John Thune, who called for the probe to be “resolved quickly,” and House Financial Services Chair French Hill (R-Ark.), who said it “creates an unnecessary distraction” that “could undermine this and future Administrations’ ability to make sound monetary policy decisions.”

Asked if the investigation would make it hard to confirm the next Fed leader, Thune acknowledged “it could make it challenging.”

— Powell’s staying power: At this point, it seems almost certain Powell will stay on until his term as chair ends in May. Many expect him to leave after that, forgoing his longer term as a rank-and-file Fed governor.

But that probability has dropped amid the DOJ’s probe, and Powell could stick around. And the likelihood that he might ever be prosecuted for his June testimony is remote.

“The kind of things we’re talking about here is whether Powell lied when he said there were ‘no rooftop gardens’ when there will in fact be ‘vegetated roof spaces,’” Victoria Guida writes in her latest column. “Of course, the investigation might also cover the cost overruns themselves … but mismanaging a project is not in and of itself a crime.”

What else we’re watching:   

— House math: Speaker Mike Johnson’s margins in the House could pose a problem for party-line action this week, including passing the rule teeing up a final vote on the bundled State-Foreign Operations and Financial Services funding bills.

The recent passing of Rep. Doug LaMalfa (R-Calif.) brought the balance of the House to 218-213. But with Rep. Jim Baird (R-Ind.) recovering from a car accident and Rep. Derrick Van Orden (R-Wis.) expected to be out indefinitely as his wife undergoes surgery, Johnson is facing some harrowing math.

— Dem joins GOP stock trading bill: The new GOP-leadership-backed bill to ban lawmaker stock buying has its first Democratic co-sponsor, New York Rep. Josh Riley. The bill, drafted by House Administration Chair Bryan Steil (R-Wis.), now has 71 GOP co-sponsors.

The legislation is on track for a Wednesday morning markup. Senior Democrats who oppose the bill — which allows lawmakers to hold onto the stocks they already own — say they’ll try to force changes.

— Health care talks shape up: The bipartisan group of senators working to craft an agreement to revive the expired Affordable Care Act subsidies is honing in on a potential compromise around abortion language. According to a Senate GOP aide briefed on the group’s discussions and another person granted anonymity to describe the private talks, the lawmakers are considering increasing penalties and audits for insurance plans to ensure funds for abortion are properly segregated from funds for nonabortion health services.

Meredith Lee Hill, Jordain Carney and Benjamin Guggenheim contributed to this report.

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Congress

Lawmakers anticipate Trump will seek emergency funding for ‘open-ended’ Iran war

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Lawmakers given classified briefings Tuesday evening on the U.S. military conflict in Iran expect President Donald Trump will ask Congress for emergency cash to finance the war.

During the closed-door meetings on Capitol Hill, top Trump administration officials said only that they are considering a supplemental military funding request, according to lawmakers who attended the briefings. But senior intelligence and defense officials described a vast military operation that many members anticipate will require extra funding on top of the nearly $1 trillion Congress has already given the military over the last year.

“I think there will be a supplemental coming,” Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) told reporters upon leaving his classified Senate briefing. “We’ll have to approve that.”

Sen. Chris Murphy of Connecticut, the top Democrat on the Senate committee overseeing funding for the Department of Homeland Security, said after the briefing that the military operation “feels like a multitrillion-dollar, open-ended conflict with a very confusing and constantly shifting set of goals” because top Trump administration officials “are refusing to take off the table ground operations.”

Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) also described the U.S.-Iran conflict as “a massive operation” that’s “rapidly changing.”

“It sounded very open-ended to me,” he added.

Some lawmakers typically opposed to increased spending are open to the idea of providing extra money to fuel the U.S. military’s operation against Iran. “I think it would have support of Republicans,” Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) said about a supplemental funding request Tuesday night.

“Everybody always wants money, any excuse, whether they’ll need it or not. My guess: They’ll need it,” Johnson continued. “We’re shooting off a lot of ammo. Gotta restock.”

But Democratic votes will be needed to pass any emergency funding package in the Senate, and minority party leaders say they will need far more details from the Trump administration if they are going to consider support for new Pentagon cash.

“Before you can feel satisfied about a supplemental — and I haven’t seen it — you have to know what the real goals are and what the endgame is,” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer told reporters Tuesday.

Delaware Sen. Chris Coons, a senior Democratic appropriator, said he expects the Pentagon will send Congress a supplemental funding request and vowed to “make sure we are making all the investments we can” to keep U.S. troops safe.

But Coons said Trump administration officials need to testify at an open hearing so “the American people can get questions answered about the failures in planning that led to some of the challenges, losses and mistakes in this war.”

Any supplemental spending package to support the Iran war effort would come on top of the more than $150 billion the Pentagon got from the party-line tax and spending package Republicans enacted last summer and nearly $839 billion in regular funding Congress cleared last month.

The House’s lead Democratic appropriator, Connecticut Rep. Rosa DeLauro, said lawmakers have yet to receive information about how much the Pentagon has spent already.

“They’re talking about a supplemental, but we haven’t got a clue,” DeLauro told reporters after Trump administration officials briefed House lawmakers later Tuesday. “There’s no cost estimate of what they have spent so far. Is there anybody writing down what the hell they’re spending? No.”

Senate Majority Leader John Thune said Tuesday that Republicans “forward-funded” military operations with the party-line package enacted last summer but that lawmakers will be “paying attention” to any need for extra money.

“Not only do we have the resources to conduct the operations right now, but a lot of our allies in the region also have capabilities that are coming to bear now,” Thune said.

Even before the strikes on Iran, Trump was eyeing a massive hike in military spending for the upcoming fiscal year. He pledged to pursue a $1.5 trillion Pentagon budget, a roughly 50 percent increase to military spending.

The president said Tuesday, however, that U.S. military resources are far from depleted.

“We have a virtually unlimited supply of these weapons,” Trump said on social media. “Wars can be fought ‘forever,’ and very successfully, using just these supplies.”

Jordain Carney, Meredith Lee Hill, Connor O’Brien, Joe Gould and Calen Razor contributed to this report. 

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House Republicans are publicly cheering Trump’s Iran war. Privately, many are worried.

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The vast majority of congressional Republicans are publicly supportive of President Donald Trump’s decision to launch a war on Iran. But many are harboring private misgivings about the risks to American troops and global stability — as well as their own political fortunes — should the military campaign drag on indefinitely.

Trump’s comments this week that the bombing could last “four to five weeks” or more, that he doesn’t care about public polling and that the U.S. will do “whatever” it takes to secure its objectives are among the factors that have put lawmakers on edge.

Some of the anxieties have started emerging publicly.

“The constitutional sequence is, you engage the public before you go to war unless an attack is imminent. And imminent means like, imminent — not like something that’s been over a 47-year period of time,” Rep. Warren Davidson (R-Ohio), a former Army ranger, said Tuesday.

Rep. Eli Crane (R-Ariz.), a combat veteran who served in the Iraq War and has cautioned in the past against regime change efforts, called it “a very dicey, a very dynamic situation right now” on the Charlie Kirk Show Monday while also making clear he would give Trump deference.

“I hope it works out,” he added. “Military operations like this can go sideways so fast, you know, it will make your head spin.”

But a wider group of House Republicans granted anonymity to speak candidly shared deeper concerns about the strikes. All said they would stand with Trump and Speaker Mike Johnson this week to oppose a largely Democratic effort to force votes on restraining the president. But they said their support was not guaranteed over the long term.

“Most Republicans want clear objectives, clearer than they are now,” said one House Republican, who added members have pressed GOP leaders and White House officials to be more consistent in articulating the administration’s military goals.

Another was troubled by Trump’s own shifting statements on when the bombing campaign might wrap up, whether he is seeking the fall of the Islamic regime and whether ground troops might ultimately be necessary.

“Sounds a little bit like President Lyndon Johnson going into Vietnam, doesn’t it?” the lawmaker said.

Trump officials and top House GOP leaders have already moved to ease potential member concerns. Johnson, for instance, said leaving a classified briefing Monday that “the operation will be wound up quickly, by God’s grace and will.”

“That is our prayer for everybody involved,” he added.

A White House memo sent to congressional Republicans Monday outlined several military objectives for the bombing campaign and said Trump should be “commended” for taking on a hostile state sponsor of terrorism.

But despite denying that Trump had acted in pursuit of regime change, the document also said the Iranian regime “would be defeated” and included other contradictory statements about the reasons for the strikes — while trying to sidestep the question of whether the strikes constituted a “war,” a word Trump himself has used.

Beyond the fears of a prolonged military engagement that could be costly in dollars and American lives, Republicans are also facing the prospect of a stock market tumble and rising gas prices that could fall hardest on vulnerable incumbents ahead of the midterms. Many of those members promised their constituents, much as Trump did, that they would not engage in endless war.

The planned Thursday vote on a bipartisan war powers resolution has surfaced some of the GOP discomfort, even as party leaders and White House officials whip members against it — including those most at risk of losing their seats.

Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.), who is co-leading the war powers push with Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), pointed to the White House memo as further evidence of incoherence on the administration’s part.

“So they’re going to defeat a terrorist regime that rules a country of 90 million people, but that’s not war?” he said in an interview.

Johnson argued Monday it would be

Also raising concerns in advance of the vote is Davidson, who has long railed against extended U.S. wars abroad. He said in a social media post Monday it was “troubling” that Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Monday that an imminent Israeli attack on Iran forced the U.S. to strike. He also raised concerns to reporters Tuesday about some of the administration’s claims.

House Intelligence Chair Rick Crawford (R-Ark.) said in an interview Tuesday he didn’t think the war powers vote was necessary and that Trump was operating within his legal authority.

The vote, he said, was “a way for individuals to sort of register their displeasure or make a political statement.”

Even if the war powers measure is defeated, some Republicans say an effort to restrain Trump could reemerge if the conflict drags on or Trump commits ground troops to the conflict. “If we’re talking months, not weeks, then you will see another vote,” said a third House Republican who added that Trump had some “leeway” for now.

Johnson, meanwhile, is channeling any intraparty concerns about Trump’s war into another vote this week on a stalled Homeland Security spending bill — an attempt to keep the focus on Democrats’ opposition to funding for TSA, FEMA and other agencies as a department shutdown approaches the three-week mark.

He is also arguing, as he told reporters after a classified briefing Monday, that the war powers vote is “dangerous” at a moment when U.S. troops were in harm’s way and that Republicans would act to “put it down.” The strikes, Johnson added, did not need advance congressional approval because they were “defensive in nature.”

Those arguments have resonated with most House Republicans, who say they’re willing to give the president time.

“I think so far, the Pentagon seems to have a good plan,” said Rep. Jeff Crank (R-Colo.), a member of the Armed Services Committee who said he would give Trump “six weeks or … eight weeks or whatever we need to accomplish the missions that we set out.”

“The worst thing we could do is go in and then … to pull back or cut short, whatever our objectives are,” he added. “We’re there. We need to get the objectives finished.”

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Former White House counsel Kathryn Ruemmler called to testify in House Oversight’s Epstein investigation

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The House Oversight and Government Reform Committee is requesting that Kathryn Ruemmler, the former White House counsel under President Barack Obama and the exiting top lawyer at Goldman Sachs, speak with investigators about her relationship with convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

Ruemmler will soon resign from Goldman Sachs amid the mounting scrutiny over her close relationship with Epstein. Material released by the Justice Department revealed that Epstein called her when he was arrested for sex crimes.

“Due to public reporting, documents released by the Department of Justice, and documents obtained by the Committee, the Committee believes you have information that will assist in its investigation,” said Oversight Chair James Comer in a letter to Ruemmler obtained by Blue Light News.

He requested that she appear for a transcribed interview on the morning of April 21, but that date could be subject to change.

Goldman Sachs declined to comment. Ruemmler, through a spokesperson, has said she regrets knowing Epstein. She has not been charged with any misconduct.

The letter was reported earlier by The Wall Street Journal.

Ruemmler is one of a number of powerful public figures in the U.S. who has faced consequences for their relationships with Epstein.

Brad Karp, the former chair of the legal giant Paul Weiss, left his post atop the firm amid the fallout over his communications with Epstein.

Earlier Tuesday, Comer announced Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick has agreed to speak with his panel after correspondence released by DOJ showed that Lutnick maintained ties to Epstein following the disgraced financier’s 2008 sex crime conviction.

Lutnick has not been charged with any wrongdoing.

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