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The turbulent trajectory of Trump’s ‘Nazi streak’ acolyte

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A conservative activist who had caught Donald Trump’s attention with flattery via Substack ahead of the 2024 presidential election imagined a prominent role for himself in a future administration.

In a group chat with half a dozen Republican operatives and influencers, Paul Ingrassia in October 2023 texted: “Trump needs me as his chief of staff,” according to a screenshot obtained by Blue Light News.

“I’m not kidding.”

Ingrassia, then in his late 20s, had only graduated from Cornell Law School the year before and had yet to be admitted to the New York Bar.

The coveted job, of course, went to veteran political operator Susie Wiles, who typically shies from the limelight.

But Ingrassia had gained confidence about his potential path to the White House after his Substack columns, which included arguments that Trump would defeat Ron DeSantis in the primary, caught the then-candidate’s eye.

Trump responded with handwritten notes and Ingrassia posted them on X.

“Great seeing you at Bedminster — young and handsome,” Trump wrote to Ingrassia.

Another note, also posted on the social media site in the summer of 2023, read: “Paul, Great seeing you — the man behind the great writings — you are looking good.”

Ingrassia, 30, would eventually land a series of administration jobs, though not as the president’s top aide. He’s now known in Washington for withdrawing from a Senate confirmation process to lead a federal whistleblower agency after a POLITICO report in October revealed racist comments Ingrassia made in the same group chat where he mused about being chief of staff.

Ingrassia and his lawyer, Edward Andrew Paltzik, did not respond to requests for comment for this article. In October, Paltzik did not confirm the texts were authentic, saying they could be manipulated and were provided without proper context.

The GOP-led rejection of Ingrassia’s nomination was a rare break between the administration and a largely compliant Congress. It didn’t result in his ouster. Instead, Ingrassia got an invitation to meet Trump at the White House and another administration post — this time at the General Services Administration that manages federal buildings, IT services and government procurement.

Alan Jacoby, the founder of Patriot Cigar Company who met Ingrassia through New York Republican circles several years ago, said Ingrassia’s goal before Trump was reelected was to get a position in the administration.

“We don’t always agree when it comes to political issues even though we’re both conservatives. However, his support for President Trump is unmatched,” he said.

Ingrassia’s almost Trumpian survival demonstrates how ideological affinity and personal loyalty can outweigh all other considerations in this administration. And while top officials in the Republican Party and White House have split between denouncing bigoted language exhibited by officials like Ingrassia — who said he has a “Nazi streak” according to the texts — and forming a defensive line around supporters, the messages don’t appear to have hurt his official standing.

GSA spokesperson Marianne Copenhaver hailed Ingrassia’s “outstanding service” in a statement about his new role as GSA’s deputy general counsel just weeks after GOP Sen. Rick Scott of Florida said he wouldn’t support his nomination to lead the Office of Special Counsel because he didn’t understand “how anybody can be antisemitic in this country.”

The schism remains at the heart of an unsettled question about MAGA’s future and whether a Trump-style successor can emerge when others who’ve deployed a similarly bombastic and divisive approach to leadership have failed. Where many young Republican staffers lost government or party positions when inflammatory texts were made public in a different POLITICO investigation involving a separate text chain this year, Ingrassia got another senior administration post. In that sense he’s like Trump himself, who only gained more staying power during everything from the Access Hollywood video to the Jan. 6, 2021, riot.

For this article about Ingrassia’s journey from a once-obscure MAGA acolyte to a Trump world fixture, Blue Light News spoke to more than two dozen administration officials, senators, Capitol Hill staffers and others who know Ingrassia. Blue Light News also reviewed contemporaneous messages of former law school classmates and fellow conservative influencers. Many of the people were granted anonymity to speak candidly about Ingrassia because of retaliation concerns or because they weren’t authorized to speak publicly. The White House did not respond to a request for comment.

Law school controversy

Ingrassia’s time in the administration has echoes of his law school experience.

He had trouble fitting into his cohort at Cornell Law, three former classmates told Blue Light News, describing him as a quiet and closely guarded person.

But Ingrassia did draw attention — if unwanted — during his time at Cornell. In the wake of the 2020 election, while classes were partially virtual due to the Covid-19 pandemic, a classmate shared with other students a screenshot of a Twitter post by Ingrassia’s mother repeating claims that Trump was the legitimate winner of the 2020 presidential election, according to two of the former classmates.

“For a little change of pace, here’s Paul’s batshit crazy mom,” the classmate who posted the screenshot wrote in a GroupMe chat for the entire Cornell Law class of 2022, according to the two classmates in the chat. The post was swiftly deleted.

“Following some sage counsel here and issuing an unqualified apology. We obviously have some strong disagreements, but ‘your mom is batshit crazy’ is obviously well over the line and it’s incredibly unfortunate that I posted it here. My bad,” the classmate wrote a short time later, according to a copy of the message.

Reached for comment by Blue Light News, Ingrassia’s mother, Donna Gallo Ingrassia, a Long Island real estate broker, defended standing up for what she believes.

“We are a family who stands up for what we believe in even if it is against the popular viewpoint,” she said in an email. “We fought for my daughter’s former classmate Gabby Petito [who was killed in Wyoming in 2021], fought against vaccine and mask mandates, we fought against the steal of 2020 and we campaigned hard for President Trump.”

A rocky entry

Years later, Ingrassia had the backing of his mother who trekked to the Hill to confront Democratic lawmakers who criticized her son’s nomination. “Obviously, I am going to advocate for my kids,” she told Blue Light News. “People who do not ‘go along to get along’ are usually called ‘crazy.’”

Ingrassia’s bond with Trump only strengthened after those handwritten notes Ingrassia posted on X in 2023. In time, he would call himself “Trump’s favorite writer” after Trump reposted more than 100 of his Substack articles.

So when Trump took office a second time, Ingrassia was poised to thrive. He landed a position as White House liaison to the Justice Department. While most incoming Trump appointees were partying at balls on the night of Trump’s inauguration, Ingrassia spent more than an hour inside the D.C. Central Detention Facility.

He emerged to announce that two people who had pled guilty to assaulting police officers during the Jan. 6 riot at the Capitol were being released after receiving pardons from the president.

It is “a monumental moment in our history,” Ingrassia told reporters.

But Ingrassia’s time at DOJ quickly went downhill.

Inside the department, he clashed with then-DOJ chief of staff Chad Mizelle after Ingrassia reportedly complained to the president that Mizelle was not working to advance his agenda. DOJ and Mizelle declined to comment.

It didn’t help Ingrassia that he lacked a relationship with Attorney General Pam Bondi, according to a DOJ official. That official added that Ingrassia did not generally know anyone in the department.

The official said he believes Ingrassia was a “Day 1” person sent by the White House, as the new administration placed loyalists across the government. The official added that people in the department knew Trump had done social media posts on Ingrassia’s writings.

The connection wasn’t enough. A month after he arrived at Justice, he was reassigned to the Department of Homeland Security. But his time there was even rockier.

Ingrassia seemed to want to build a rapport with colleagues, frequently attending DHS and administration happy hours to network, according to two people who saw him at the events. Despite his brashness on social media, Ingrassia was reserved in social settings, said the two people.

The scandals

But Ingrassia quickly encountered problems at DHS. In July, he took a work trip to Florida where he shared a Ritz-Carlton hotel room with a female colleague. An internal investigation ensued. The attorney for Ingrassia and a DHS spokesperson said the investigation into him ended and cleared him. His attorney denied wrongdoing.

Ingrassia sued Blue Light News for defamation in Warren County, Virginia, in October after Blue Light News reported on the Florida trip.

Ingrassia faced additional scrutiny over the summer after Trump nominated him in May to lead the Office of Special Counsel, which investigates complaints from federal whistleblowers.

A day after the nomination, NPR reported that Ingrassia had called far-right influencer Andrew Tate an “extraordinary man” and “the embodiment of the ancient ideal of excellence.” Before joining the administration Ingrassia worked at a law firm Tate hired. Tate, who has been an advocate for “Holocaust revisionism,” has faced rape and human trafficking charges. He has denied the charges, which are pending.

On Capitol Hill, staffers on the Senate Homeland Security Committee started looking into Ingrassia’s background. Three Democratic Senate aides said in an interview that a staff vetting session on July 21 went poorly for Ingrassia. They said they were troubled he didn’t provide his full biographical information and that he pushed back when asked about the omission of numerous posts, podcasts, interviews and deleted writings.

Several staffers from Republican offices also asked tough questions of Ingrassia. Among them were his views on the Oct. 7, 2023, attacks in Israel, which he had called “another psyop to distract Americans from celebrating Columbus Day.”

Just before Ingrassia was set to testify on July 24, his appearance was postponed.

“This big thing for our state is, he’s had some statements about antisemitism,” Scott, a member of the committee, said at the time.

In August, Ingrassia also lost a key ally at the White House. Sergio Gor, another controversial Trump aide who had been serving as presidential personnel director, was nominated to serve as ambassador to India in a shakeup. Gor, who had drawn the personal antipathy of Elon Musk for trying to wrest back control of agencies after a heated March Cabinet meeting, worked closely with Ingrassia and supported his nomination, according to three administration officials. His departure deprived Ingrassia of an influential defender.

Replacing Gor was Dan Scavino, a White House deputy chief of staff and one of Trump’s closest aides, with whom Ingrassia was not as close, according to two of the administration officials.

Ingrassia still had other defenders in the West Wing, including Trump aide Natalie Harp, according to two administration officials. Harp is known as Trump’s “human printer” because she prints out articles for him to read, including many of Ingrassia’s Substack pieces.

“Natalie Harp in the White House is a big advocate of Paul’s,” one of the officials said.

Gor and Harp were natural allies. Like Ingrassia, they rose to their positions thanks to their fierce loyalty to Trump. Like Ingrassia, they lacked establishment bona fides. Like Trump, they protected their own.

Gor, Scavino and Harp did not respond to requests for comment.

Two months after Gor’s August nomination, Ingrassia was scheduled to appear before the homeland security panel for a Senate confirmation hearing that was supposed to take place on a Thursday. He was in a “murder board” prep session on the preceding Monday afternoon to prepare for the expected avalanche of questions about his background and controversies, according to four administration officials.

But that same afternoon, Blue Light News published its article on his inflammatory texts. The reporting revealed that on a January 2024 text chain with Republican operatives and influencers, Ingrassia said the MLK Jr. holiday should be “tossed in the seventh circle of hell” and that Juneteenth and Kwanza “should also be canceled,” according to the chat. Paltzik, Ingrassia’s lawyer, said at the time that even if they were authentic, they were meant to be self-deprecating and satirical.

The reaction was swift. Senate Majority Leader John Thune told reporters he hoped the White House would withdraw the nomination and that Ingrassia couldn’t pass.

Hours later, Ingrassia posted on X that he was withdrawing his nomination “because unfortunately I do not have enough Republican votes at this time.” He said he was grateful for the “overwhelming support” he received during the process “and will continue to serve President Trump and this administration to Make America Great Again!”

Even people close to the White House with knowledge of how staffers felt about Ingrassia said the revelations of the text messages were not a surprise given his association to extremists like Tate and white nationalist Nick Fuentes.

But since nominations are ultimately chosen by Trump, West Wing staffers back candidates until it becomes evident there are simply not enough votes to confirm them, according to two people who were involved in the process.

Some White House staffers were ultimately “relieved” that he withdrew his nomination, said the first person close to the administration.

“The writing was on the wall early on, and I think the recent changes at [the White House Presidential Personnel Office] allow this nomination to finally die,” the first person added, noting that there was “the onslaught of accusations and many people [questioned] his qualifications to begin with” when Trump tapped him.

Even if staffers aren’t fully on board with everyone Trump chooses, the first person said, the feeling is “let’s have the process work itself out” and “be loyal to the pick but be realistic and move on when needed.”

“Not sure anyone is like heartbroken,” the second person added. “It was never expected that it would go through, at least I never did.”

One reason he has kept a job is because Trump rewards his personal champions.

“Paul’s been a steadfast supporter of President Trump and a leader in the America First movement,” said Caroline Wren, a Republican strategist who served as a liaison between the Trump White House and participants in the Jan. 6 rally preceding the Capitol riot.

More trouble ahead?

Already there are questions about Ingrassia’s credentials at GSA, where he quickly moved from deputy general counsel to acting general counsel in a few weeks. An announcement about his elevation to a position that oversees more than 100 attorneys cites his key role in swiftly filling the DOJ and DHS with trusted political appointees.

“What are we? A halfway house for bigots who can’t find jobs anywhere else in this administration?” a GSA official said. Ingrassia’s predecessor at GSA, Russell “Rusty” McGranahan, had a three-decade career at top firms, including BlackRock and White & Case. He recently became a senior adviser to the Securities and Exchange Commission.

“Rusty was well qualified and served the administration well. I just want the government to be staffed with experienced people who are taken seriously,” the official added.

Another person familiar with the internal workings of GSA said that Ingrassia “basically won’t be given anything meaningful because [agency] leadership doesn’t really want him.”

“I don’t know what he is or is not, but no one cares for him,” the person added.

Earlier this month, six Senate Democrats sent a letter to the White House and the GSA calling Ingrassia’s continued employment in the federal government “unacceptable,” citing Blue Light News’s reporting.

“The Democrats clearly understand that Paul is a very intelligent, strong supporter of President Trump, which is why they want him out,” Ingrassia’s mother said.

Copenhaver, the GSA spokesperson, said that Ingrassia has a bright future at the agency.

“Paul Ingrassia is a well-regarded attorney who has provided outstanding service to President Trump and will continue to do so as GSA’s acting general counsel,” Copenhaver said. “The GSA has complete confidence in his ability to further both its mission and the president’s priorities.”

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Congress

Trump’s iron grip on Congress slips

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A cadre of congressional Republicans dealt President Donald Trump significant defeats Thursday — a series of rebukes that demonstrate how his iron grip on Capitol Hill has weakened at the start of a critical election year.

The defiance kicked off in the Senate with a stunning vote, backed by five GOP senators, to move ahead with a measure that would constrain Trump on a matter he has presented as a signature triumph — his military intervention in Venezuela. Later in the day, 17 House Republicans joined with Democrats to rescue Obamacare subsidies Trump has repeatedly railed against.

And in a surprise move, senators of both parties agreed unanimously to erect a plaque honoring the officers who fought the mob at the Capitol on Jan, 6, 2021 — breaking from Trump’s false narrative about that day.

Trump took notice of the disloyalty in the first instance. Almost immediately, he shot off a social media post accusing the five Republicans of “attempting to take away our Powers to fight and defend the United States of America” and declaring that they “should never be elected to office again.”

None of the Republicans who voted crosswise with the White House Thursday said they intended to deal a personal brushback to Trump. But several said they were determined to assert congressional authority that many on Capitol Hill fear has withered over the past year.

Sen. Todd Young of Indiana insisted “any future commitment of U.S. forces in Venezuela must be subject to debate and authorization in Congress.”

“President Trump campaigned against forever wars, and I strongly support him in that position,” Young said in a statement. “A drawn-out campaign in Venezuela involving the American military, even if unintended, would be the opposite of President Trump’s goal of ending foreign entanglements.”

Speaking at the White House after the Senate vote, Vice President JD Vance rejected the notion that Trump’s grip on Congress was slipping, saying the GOP opposition was “based more on a legal technicality than any disagreement on policy.”

But the internal GOP dissent came to the delight of Democratic leaders, who are growing jubilant over their ability to highlight the splits and hammer Republicans heading into the midterms.

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries told reporters “Republicans need to get their act together in terms of their leadership,” saying the party had been badly distracted from addressing Americans’ cost-of-living concerns.

After the war powers vote, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer hailed it as “a critical step” for the chamber in “reasserting its constitutional authority” and pushing back on an imperious president.

Still, there were signs that Trump’s sway over the GOP had not entirely eroded.

Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.), while voting to constrain Trump’s war powers, downplayed the break and reiterated multiple times that he supports the president.

“I don’t take any offense to that,” he said about Trump’s suggestion that he should not be reelected. “I think the president is great. I love the president. … I understand he’s ticked.”

And in a particularly stark demonstration of Trump’s continued sway over the House GOP, most Republicans in the chamber voted with him Thursday to sustain his veto of two bills they had allowed to pass unanimously just weeks before.

One bill benefited the Miccosukee Tribe of Florida, which opposed his administration’s attempt to build a vast migrant detention center in the Everglades. Another authorized a water project backed by Colorado politicians who have clashed with Trump, including Democratic Gov. Jared Polis and GOP Rep. Lauren Boebert.

“I am disappointed to see the lack of leadership, the amount of people that will fold, that will cave, that will not take a stand,” Boebert said after the vote. “This had nothing to do with policy. … Folks are afraid of getting a mean tweet or attacked.”

Some House Republicans who opposed the veto override cited White House officials who circled the chamber as the votes unfolded. It was clear they were taking note of the defectors, one GOP lawmaker said. Trump going nuclear on the five Republican senators who had defied him earlier in the day helped convince others to not stick their neck out.

“It wasn’t worth it,” another House Republican said. “It’s not my bill.”

Still, 35 Republicans broke ranks with Trump on the Colorado project while 24 did so on the tribal bill. Two committee chairs voted to override both vetoes.

Later in the day, a critical mass of House Republicans sent an incontrovertible message on an issue much more central to the GOP’s midterm prospects than expanding a tribal reservation — addressing health care costs.

Seventeen GOP members joined with Democrats to pass a bill that would revive lapsed Obamacare tax credits for three years. Trump, with the encouragement of Republican leaders on Capitol Hill, has refused to engage in bipartisan negotiations — instead slamming the subsidies as wasteful and calling on lawmakers to set up an alternate system where Americans get direct payments to help afford coverage.

But multiple Republicans, while still blaming Democrats for the morass, said Thursday they were not willing to stand by and do nothing amid the standoff. The expired subsidies were used by more than 20 million Americans, lowering their premiums in many cases by thousands of dollars per year.

“I have a bunch of my constituents that are depending on these programs, and I’m not going to leave them hanging because the Democrats broke the damn system,” said GOP Rep. Derrick Van Orden, who represents a swing Wisconsin district and referred to the bill as a “bridging mechanism.”

Asked if his vote could be seen as a rebuke of Trump, Van Orden said he “didn’t even think of it like that.”

Republicans were similarly roundabout when it came to the Senate’s action Thursday to display the contentious Jan. 6 plaque, which was created pursuant to a 2022 law but has remained in storage as Speaker Mike Johnson refuses to install it.

But the timing spoke volumes, coming two days after the fifth anniversary of the Capitol attack and the White House publication of a website casting the riot as the fault of Democrats and the Capitol Police itself.

Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), without mentioning Trump, said the plaque was a commemoration of “what I would consider to be one of the most significant stress tests for this institution since it was founded.”

“It was a great day for democracy because of the law enforcement officers,” he said. “We took a brief recess, we got ourselves together, the Capitol was secured and before we left the compound we came back and completed our constitutional duty” to certify the 2020 election.

Meanwhile, the fallout of the war powers vote is likely to continue. Thursday’s vote sets up final consideration of the resolution next week, where Trump’s commitment to an “America First” foreign policy will be debated. In addition to the pushback on his plans for Venezuela, many Republicans aired deep misgivings this week about his overt attempts to seize control of Greenland, a Danish territory.

The House is on track to take up a similar vote later this month after Democrats introduced a companion measure Thursday and expressed cautious optimism that more Republicans might vote to constrain the president.

Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.) said he was already “inclined” to support the war powers resolution after hearing from top administration officials in briefings this week and after hearing about Trump’s threats against Greenland. But he said the president’s attack on the five GOP senators Thursday cemented his position.

“Reading the ugly response to those senators sort of convinced me to vote yes,” he said.

Mia McCarthy and Calen Razor contributed to this report.

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Senate unanimously approves installing Jan. 6, 2021 plaque

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The Senate unanimously approved a measure Thursday to display an existing plaque honoring the officers who protected the Capitol during the Jan. 6, 2021 riot.

Congress passed a law in March 2022 mandating the plaque, but years later it has yet to be installed. Speaker Mike Johnson has argued the project is “not implementable,” and the Justice Department has maintained in litigation that an existing plaque does not comply with the law because it lists the departments who responded, not the individual officers.

The measure on Thursday, led by Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) and Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.), sought to address the long-running political squabble.

“On January 6, 2021, courageous law enforcement officers from the United States Capitol Police and other agencies risked their lives to defend the United States Capitol and protect Members of Congress and their staff,” Tillis said in a statement. “Prominently displaying this plaque in the United States Senate ensures their heroism and sacrifice are properly recognized.”

It’s not clear when the Senate will install the plaque, which will remain in the Senate until a permanent location is identified on the west front of the Capitol. The resolution does not need to be approved by the House.

The stark moment of bipartisanship came just after the 5-year anniversary of the Capitol attack was marred by political bickering. The White House published a website to rebut the narrative of the riot filled largely with false information, and Republicans continued to villainize the previous Democratic-led Jan. 6 committee that investigated the attack in its aftermath.

At the beginning of his second term, Trump, who has repeatedly downplayed and mischaracterized the attack, pardoned those who took part in the riot, including some convicted of violent offenses.

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Congress

17 Republicans vote to restore lapsed Obamacare subsidies

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Seventeen Republicans joined Democrats in passing legislation Thursday that would revive enhanced Affordable Care Act subsidies for three years, rebuffing opposition from GOP leadership.

The 230-196 vote follows a procedural vote Wednesday to advance the bill, where nine Republicans joined Democrats in favor of moving forward.

Thursday’s final passage vote had eight additional Republicans supporting the bill, including House Homeland Security Chair Andrew Garbarino of New York and Rep. David Joyce of Ohio, a senior appropriator.

While the measure is destined to die in the Senate, some Republicans hope it will lay the groundwork for a bipartisan agreement to tame skyrocketing health insurance premiums — the result of Congress allowing the tax credits to lapse Dec. 31.

“The Senate could put together a product that could ultimately get sent back over to the House that we can then conference on and hopefully move across the finish line,” said Rep. Rob Bresnahan (R-Pa.), who supported the Democratic-led bill.

A bipartisan group of senators are scrambling to make headway on a framework that could extend the credits while instituting new income caps for eligibility and lengthening the ACA open enrollment period to soften the blow of premium hikes.

The lawmakers continue to project optimism about reaching a deal, though thorny issues remain over how to address the so-called Hyde amendment, which restricts federal funding for abortion.

Democrats, meanwhile, hope the House vote will pressure Republican leaders in both chambers to compromise on the issue. At a news conference Thursday morning, House and Senate Minority Leaders Hakeem Jeffries and Chuck Schumer blasted Republicans for repeatedly refusing to back a clean extension before the subsidies expired last year.

“The American people should ask [Senate Majority Leader John Thune], ‘Are you willing to put this bill that the House now is moving forward on the floor of the Senate?’” Schumer said. “Most of the Republicans in the House and the Senate want to put poison pill riders about abortion on it. They are standing in the way.”

Jeffries is now especially emboldened, having made the calculation last fall that enough centrist Republicans would join Democrats in supporting a discharge petition to circumvent their own leadership and force a vote on three-year extension legislation.

“It’s an all-hands-on-deck effort that Democrats are committed to, to make sure we lower the high cost of living,” said Jeffries. “We’ll see what Republicans are willing to do to keep their word that they promised to lower the high cost of living in America.”

The question of whether to extend the enhanced subsidies, which were established in a 2021 Covid relief package under a Democratic majority, has been one of the most divisive policy issues of the 119th Congress.

Republican moderates started raising alarms early in the fall that their constituents were staring down massive premium spikes in 2026 due to the looming expiration of the subsidies. But they quickly encountered strong headwinds from conservatives who lambasted the credits as rife with fraud and giveaways to insurance companies — a message that has been echoed by Speaker Mike Johnson and House Majority Leader Steve Scalise.

Johnson’s office, in a last-ditch effort Thursday morning to undermine the effort, blasted out a memo accusing “Democrats [of] want[ing] to expand a COVID subsidy system already flagged for massive fraud and abuse, with absolutely zero reforms.”

Many Republicans also chafed at the prospect of voting to bolster Obamacare — which they have sought unsuccessfully to repeal dozens of times since its passage in 2010 — and demanded restrictions be put in place to bar the tax credits from going to plans that cover abortion services using separate funding, a nonstarter for Democrats.

The GOP moderates attempted to secure a deal with Johnson last fall to secure a floor vote to extend the subsidies as an amendment to a Republican-authored bill intended to lower health care costs, but talks broke down. It led four Republicans to agree to help Democrats get the requisite 218 signatures on their discharge petition to force a vote on the three-year extension bill.

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