Congress
House Armed Services chair in the mix for Trump’s Pentagon chief
House Armed Services Chair Mike Rogers is under consideration to be President-elect Donald Trump’s Defense secretary, according to three people familiar with the deliberations.
Rogers, a conservative Alabama Republican and among the most strident of defense hawks in the House, would be a dark horse in a field of potential Trump Pentagon picks.
Rogers is a relatively low-key lawmaker despite his seniority. And though he’s not as personally close to the former president as other contenders for the Pentagon or other top national security jobs, Rogers is nonetheless a strong political ally and Trump defender. And they align on a number of national security issues.
Trump’s transition team did not immediately respond to a request for comment. A spokesperson for Rogers declined to comment.
Rogers joins a shortlist of potential nominees:
- Rep.
Mike Waltz , a former Green Beret long close to Trump who serves on the House Armed Services, Foreign Affairs and Intelligence committees. - Mike Pompeo, Trump’s former Secretary of State and CIA director, has also been mentioned as a contender.
- Sen.
Tom Cotton (R-Ark.), an Army veteran and vocal defense hawk, was also thought to be in the mix for the top Pentagon job, but recently took his name out of consideration for an administration post.
Rogers has chaired Armed Services since Republicans took over the House in 2023. There, he’s pushed for significant increases in defense spending to take on China and Russia, ramp up defense production and modernize the U.S. nuclear arsenal. He’s also pushed for legislation to significantly raise junior enlisted troops’ pay and benefits.
Rogers, though, has also been a strong advocate of U.S. assistance for Ukraine as GOP opposition to new funding for the fight grew in the House. As Armed Services chair, Rogers held oversight hearings on Ukraine aid to bolster support and demonstrate that U.S. assistance is being properly employed. Just days before the election, Rogers led a bipartisan congressional delegation to Kyiv.
Trump, on the other hand, has opposed new funding for Ukraine, instead promising to negotiate an end to the war with Russia. But despite his advocacy for aid, Rogers argued shortly after taking the Armed Services gavel in 2023 that Ukraine and Russia need to be persuaded to go to the bargaining table to end the war.
His advocacy for larger defense budgets and Ukraine-related spending have run afoul of hard-right GOP factions in the House loyal to Trump. But Rogers has also championed many conservative-favored issues — most notably rolling back Biden-era personnel policies on troops’ access to abortion, diversity in the ranks and Pentagon climate programs.
Trump and Rogers align most closely on a policy issue near and dear to both of them: space. Rogers advocated for a new military service dedicated to space and defending U.S. satellites, which became the Space Force. Trump, who pushed lawmakers hard to establish the Space Force, has called creating the first new military branch since the 1940s one of his top achievements. Rogers and former Rep. Jim Cooper ushered the reorganization through Congress.
Despite his strong conservative views, Rogers has forged working relationships with Democrats in the House and Senate, working on annual defense legislation that could help him get through a possible confirmation process.
But Republicans’ success — or lack thereof — at the polls could get in the way.
GOP leaders say they’re on track to keep their majority in the House, but they’re likely to have a margin of just a handful of seats. That means Trump won’t be able to tap many Republican lawmakers for his administration, at least not initially, without risking his legislative agenda.
Two prominent Senate Republicans are asking the Supreme Court to review the disbarment of John Eastman for helping orchestrate the plot to overturn the 2020 election for President Donald Trump.
It’s the latest effort from Senate Judiciary Committee members to mitigate the fallout from the election subversion effort that ended in the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol.
Sen. Mike Lee of Utah, who is poised to be the top Republican on the panel next Congress, and Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas, wrote in a brief filed with the Supreme Court on Wednesday that the decision to Eastman’s license to practice law in California was a result of political activists weaponizing the bar disciplinary process against attorneys on “the disfavored side of public controversies.”
“An unpopular or even losing legal argument does not equal professional unfitness,” Lee and Cruz wrote.
The senators also argued that a state’s disagreement with an attorney’s reasonable judgment can’t be grounds for punishment and could have a chilling effect: “Zealous advocacy will disappear if professional survival depends on whether bar regulators later agree with an attorney’s legal analysis.”
Eastman, a former clerk to Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, was identified by Biden-era special counsel Jack Smith as a co-conspirator in Trump’s alleged criminal plot to hang onto power in 2020. The attorney was criminally charged in Georgia and Arizona for his role in the scheme, and in April he was disbarred.
Lee, in correspondence uncovered by the now-disbanded House committee to investigate the attacks on Jan. 6, told Trump lawyer Cleta Mitchell that “Jan. 6 is a dangerous idea … Not just for the republic itself, but also for the president.” The senator was outlining that no court or state legislature had backed Trump’s effort to prove he had, in fact, won the election contest against Joe Biden and didn’t see Congress as a fitting backstop.
Smith testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee in September, where Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) called for Smith to also be disbarred.
Kyle Cheney contributed to this report.
Michael Whatley’s campaign has temporarily gone dark in North Carolina.
The Republican Senate nominee does not currently have future linear TV ad reservations booked in the race, a highly unusual move less than three weeks before Election Day in a state that was once considered a top GOP priority.
Whatley’s last broadcast TV ad aired one week ago, according to tracking firm AdImpact. The pause comes as Republicans and major outside GOP groups, including Senate Leadership Fund, disinvest from the state in an acknowledgement of the difficulty of beating Democratic nominee Roy Cooper in November.
“It’s a temporary pause and we’ll be back on the air shortly with our closing message that may or may not ask voters why does our elderly opponent refuse to answer basic questions about his health and ability to serve in the U.S. Senate,” Whatley spokesperson DJ Griffin said in a statement. “We are confident we have the resources needed to win the only poll that matters — Election Day in November.”
Former Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper’s campaign, by contrast, has $7.4 million in future TV ad reservations, in addition to $11.2 million from outside groups. Republican outside groups have just $4.7 million reserved, giving Democrats a nearly 4 to 1 advantage in future TV ad spending, according to an analysis of AdImpact data.
The move by Whatley’s campaign is rare this close to the election, a period when candidates typically ramp up their advertising as voters begin casting ballots.
“It was always going to be a tough seat for Rs to hold,” said Doug Heye, a longtime GOP strategist who is from North Carolina. “Trump’s numbers are in the tank and Cooper is a good candidate who has won statewide. This is what was always going to happen.”
Cooper, who has repeatedly led Whatley in public polling and candidate fundraising, enters the final stretch of the campaign as the clear frontrunner over Whatley, a former chair of the Republican National Committee and the handpicked candidate of President Donald Trump.
A spokesperson for Cooper sharply refuted the Whatley campaign’s characterizations about the Democrat’s health: “These are more desperate lies from a desperate candidate,” Kate Smart said in a statement. “Roy Cooper has held over 350 events over the course of this campaign, is in excellent health and will obviously serve his full term.”
Major outside groups on both sides have already begun retreating from North Carolina. The GOP-aligned Senate Leadership Fund paused its spending in the state earlier this month, while other Republican groups, including Old North Action, have also pulled back.
Democrats are increasingly bullish on Cooper’s chances of flipping the seat — one of four pickups the party needs to win back the Senate, assuming it defends all of its current seats. The Democratic-aligned Senate Majority PAC has also started pausing its spending in North Carolina, increasingly turning their attention to fund other, competitive Senate races.
Top Republican officials are increasingly accepting the House may already be lost as they shift to trying to limit the damage and salvage a Senate majority.
After waiting for weeks to see if the party’s deluge of money could help a raft of GOP incumbents who appeared to be in terrible shape in internal polling, more recent internal Republican polling still shows deep erosion in Trump country.
Now, Trump officials and Republican operatives say more candidates may have their funding from GOP campaign groups cut off in the coming days, before it’s too late to spend the money elsewhere to shore up other shaky races.
“I speak to a lot of people. There is no one who has privately stated that they believe Republicans can hold the House — not in recent weeks, anyway,” said former Rep. Carlos Curbelo, who lost in the last big House Democratic wave in 2018 after representing a South Florida swing district.
Five senior House Republicans, granted anonymity to candidly discuss their party’s precarious position, told Blue Light News the House has all but slipped from their grasp.
One of those Republicans compared the situation to Democrats’ 2006 flip of the House — specifically noting that potential Senate seat flips in North Carolina and Ohio could have downballot effects, while House candidates in redrawn red states like Florida and Texas are “hanging on with their fingernails.”
President Donald Trump’s political operation and the top House GOP super PAC have been cutting off ad spending across the map in races they feel are no longer winnable or worth the money, including for Reps. Mariannette Miller-Meeks and Tom Kean Jr.
And some national operatives are already starting to point fingers over who’s to blame, arguing that surprisingly-competitive Senate races are sucking away donor attention — therefore forcing House operatives into tough spending decisions.
White House officials insist they’re not giving up on the House, and that moves by the president and his team to shift the allocation of resources shouldn’t be seen as them prioritizing one chamber over another.
“The cutting of resources should not dictate what the philosophy is or what the outlook is for the overall race at large,” a senior White House official said. “It’s not doom and gloom around here. Everyone’s very positive, upbeat.”
But on the ground, Republicans seem to be giving up hope for any saving grace from the president in the final stretch.
“President Trump has made this election all about himself,” a second senior House Republican said in an interview. “Now we have to survive that political storm.”
What else we’re watching:
— WATERS, CASTEN FACE OFF ROILS DEMS: House Democrats are poised to face a polarizing choice on the other side of the midterm elections: Shove aside one of the most prominent Black progressives in their party in favor of a middle-aged White guy with similar policy views, or hand one of the most powerful gavels in Congress back to a nearly 90-year-old as their base clamors for generational change. That fight between Rep. Sean Casten, 54, and Maxine Waters, 88, to be Financial Services’ top Democrat also threatens to derail the party’s unity as members race to take back control of the chamber.
— GOP’S TAX CUT DATA DELAYED: The Trump administration is delaying the release of detailed data showing how Republicans’ 2025 tax cuts affected millions of Americans’ taxes, even as it tries to tout the law ahead of the midterms. The data — which is expected to provide the first detailed look at taxpayers taking advantage of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, including new deductions for overtime wages and tipped income — was scheduled to be released in July and updated in September. But the IRS said it’s awaiting approval to publish the figures. The delay has already irked some who complain it is part of a pattern of the administration withholding otherwise routine releases of tax data.
Meredith Lee Hill, Andrew Howard, Mia McCarthy, Jasper Goodman, Katherine Hapgood, Riley Rogerson and Brian Faler contributed to this report.
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