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Hakeem Jeffries is seizing on the shutdown fight to raise his national profile

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Hakeem Jeffries has spent nearly three years in relative anonymity as House minority leader. Now the New York Democrat is treating the government shutdown fight as a potential breakout moment.

Shedding his reputation as a cool, careful and sometimes overly calculating leader, Jeffries has staked out a much more aggressive approach in recent weeks as he and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer careened into a confrontation with President Donald Trump and congressional Republicans.

While the GOP leaders have so far been more eager to dog his fellow Brooklynite — calling it a “Schumer shutdown,” for instance, after Senate Democrats withheld their votes for a House-passed stopgap bill — Jeffries has made conspicuous moves to make himself a main character in the standoff.

More precisely, he has tried to pick a fight with Trump — first accusing him of not knowing his name, then calling a deepfake video the president posted depicting Jeffries in a sombrero and mustache “racist,” demanding Trump address any further criticism“to my face,” and telling Trump budget chief Russ Vought to “get lost,” among other attacks.

“The president has been engaging in irresponsible and unserious behavior, demonstrating that all along, Republicans wanted to shut the government down,” Jeffries told reporters Wednesday, shortly before he posted a unflattering meme of Vice President JD Vance on his X account.

The tenor of his sparring has contrasted with that of Schumer, who has steered away from calling the deepfake video racist and has instead called it part of a “tantrum” that proves Trump is not serious about negotiating an end to the shutdown. It’s also a departure from Jeffries’ predecessor, former Speaker Nancy Pelosi, whose favored tactic in dealing with Trump was the cutting offhand remark.

But Jeffries’ more bombastic approach is winning praise from elements of the party that want to see more fight out of their leaders.

“They are in the minority over there, and they’re a majoritarian body where the minority has very little voice in terms of affecting the outcomes of events like this,” said Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.). “And so he’s showing what an oppositional party leader should do — a lot of fight, a lot of strength — and frankly, the ability to keep Democrats united on the other side of the Capitol.“

Whether he has earned the respect that he so clearly seeks remains unsettled. Trump still has yet to utter Jeffries’ name in public. He referred to him Tuesday to reporters as “a very nice gentleman who I didn’t really know — you know who I’m talking about.”

But after posting the first AI-generated video Monday that had Schumer doing all the talking and Jeffries simply appearing mustachioed in the background, Trump posted another video Tuesday solely starring a deepfaked Jeffries.

Vance chimed in Wednesday from the White House: “I will tell Hakeem Jeffries right now, I make a solemn promise to you that if you help us reopen the government, the sombrero memes will stop.”

Trump might be forgiven for not having Jeffries’ name on the tip of his tongue. Unlike with Schumer — whom Trump has known for decades and was a frequent sparring partner during his first term — Jeffries had no substantial interaction with the president before Monday’s Oval Office meeting.

As House minority leader, he holds the least power of the four top congressional leaders — unlike senators, Democrats in the chamber can be completely sidelined by a united GOP majority — and he is not well known nationally.

Just under half of Americans have never heard of him, according to a recent Pew Research Center poll, versus about a quarter for Schumer, who has held his top position since 2017. Before Pelosi stepped down from a 20-year run as the top House Democrat, only 3 percent of Americans surveyed told Pew they’d never heard of her.

Ahead of the sitdown, Jeffries spoke about Trump with an ally who has long experience dealing with the president — civil rights leader Al Sharpton. He said in an interview that in the weekend conversation that otherwise focused on the New York City mayoral race, Jeffries said he didn’t know what to expect out of the meeting.

“I told him I’ve been fighting with Trump for 35 years, from the Central Park Five all the way through, and [that] sometimes he tried to act nice,” Sharpton said. “I said, ‘I find him to be a day trader — he says whatever will work to his advantage at that particular time. I don’t think Donald Trump believes in anything but Donald Trump.’ And Hakeem kind of chuckled.”

After walking out of the White House, Jeffries hewed closely to health-care-focused talking points that he and Schumer have carefully honed since infamously diverging on a prior GOP-written spending bill back in March.

Then Trump posted the AI-generated video, and Jeffries let loose, calling it “bigoted” and then “racist and fake.” It was a response that stunned some of his colleagues, who agreed with the assessment but also knew Jeffries had long counseled Democrats not to take Trump’s “bait.”

Rep. Emanuel Cleaver (D-Mo.), a longtime Jeffries ally, said it was the first time he’d ever heard the leader call a personal attack “racist.”

“I was furious, and no one would blame the leader if he said I didn’t want to be around this guy or get somebody else to take my place to interact with the White House,” Cleaver said. “He’s going to be a professional about it.”

“It was blatant. It was personal. It was insulting. And I think that Hakeem had to respond for his own self-respect,” added Sharpton.

Asked about Jeffries’ response, White House spokesperson Abigail Jackson said, “Anyone who’s feigning outrage over a perfect meme should instead focus on the countless Americans who will suffer as a result of the Democrat shutdown.”

That Jeffries mounted a more aggressive response than Schumer to Trump’s attacks is of little consequence in terms of the shutdown fight. Besides his own personal feelings, some Democrats noted it reflects the more rough-and-tumble style in the House and voters’ desire for a more pugilistic approach to Trump.

But there have also been small tactical differences between the two leaders that could get magnified as the standoff wears on. Notably, Jeffries has staked out some harder lines than Schumer — insisting, for instance, that any health care agreement be in writing and attached to any bill reopening the government, while Schumer has left room to cut an unwritten side deal.

One prominent House Democrat believes Jeffries has been handling himself well.

“He has seized the moment,” Pelosi said in a brief interview. “He’s doing a great job. I have no guidance for him except to keep on doing what he’s doing.”

Jennifer Scholtes contributed to this report.

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Congress

DHS stopgap set for quick House action after Rules Committee vote

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The House Rules Committee advanced a measure Friday evening that would fund the entirety of the Homeland Security Department through May 22 — without setting up debate or a separate vote on the funding bill itself.

The panel, after a raucous meeting that devolved into shouting at multiple points, voted 8-4 on party lines to advance the measure to the floor.

The rule includes a “deem and pass” provision, a tactic that allows legislation to be passed by the House automatically once the rule itself is adopted. While there will be one hour of floor debate and a vote on the rule, there will not be a standalone House vote on the DHS spending bill.

Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.) described himself as needing “a neck brace” from the whiplash of hearing Republicans argue for hours that the Senate’s early-morning voice vote on a different DHS funding measure was “shameful” for lack of transparency and accountability.

House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole (R-Okla.) accused the Senate of moving their bill “in the middle of the night, with the smell of jet fumes in the air,” lamenting that the House was left “to take it or leave it.”

House leaders, McGovern suggested, have chosen a similar path by fast-tracking the eight-week DHS stopgap.

“You’re in charge,” he told Rules Chair Virginia Foxx (R-N.C.). “You can do whatever the hell you want to do.”

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Congress

Rand Paul weighs a 2028 presidential bid

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Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) is considering a bid for president in 2028, as Republicans jockey for the future of the GOP post-Trump.

In a “CBS Sunday Morning” interview airing Sunday, a reporter asked Paul about an article that implied he would be running for president.

“We’re thinking about it,” Paul said. “I would say fifty-fifty,” adding that he would make a final decision after the midterm elections.

Paul ran for the Republican nomination for president in 2016 with a libertarianism-focused campaign but ultimately dropped out after a poor performance in the Iowa caucuses and a shortage of cash. He instead ran for reelection to the Senate.

Paul has had a complex relationship with his own party and with President Donald Trump, often finding himself the lone Republican on certain issues. More recently, he was the only Republican to support a joint resolution that would limit Trump’s war powers in Iran.

His father, former Rep. Ron Paul, also ran for president three times: first as a Libertarian in 1988, and twice as a Republican in 2008 and 2012.

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Congress

‘Meltdown’: DHS shutdown set to drag on after House GOP rejects Senate deal

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House Republicans moved Friday to further extend the six-week shutdown of the Department of Homeland Security by rejecting a Senate bill that would fund the vast majority of DHS agencies through September.

Instead, Speaker Mike Johnson proposed a temporary extension of DHS funding through May 22 — a plan that has uncertain prospects in the House and certainly won’t pass the Senate before the shutdown becomes the longest funding lapse in U.S. history Saturday.

But Johnson said House Republicans simply could not swallow the Senate bill, which omits funding for Immigration and Customs Enforcement as well as Border Patrol and some other parts of Customs and Border Protection.

“The Republicans are not going to be any part of any effort to reopen our borders or to stop immigration enforcement,” he said. “We are going to deport dangerous criminal illegal aliens because it is a basic function of the government. The Democrats fundamentally disagree.”

The move toward an eight-week stopgap creates a tactical gulf between Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune, who called an end to weeks of abortive bipartisan talks Thursday and pushed through the funding bill in hopes of tacking on funding later for ICE and CBP in a party-line budget reconciliation bill.

President Donald Trump has largely stayed out of the GOP infighting on Capitol Hill, keeping his criticism trained on Democrats. He ordered DHS to pay TSA officers Thursday as long security lines snarls more U.S. airports.

Johnson played down the split with his Senate counterpart, saying the Democratic leader there bore more blame for the impasse.

“I wouldn’t call John Thune the engineer of this,” he said. “Chuck Schumer and the Democrats in the Senate have forced this upon the Senate. I have to protect the House. … Our colleagues on this side understand this is not a game. We are not playing their games.”

Thune said early Friday morning he did not speak directly to Johnson in the final hours leading up to the Senate’s voice vote, but he said they had texted. He acknowledged he did not know in advance how the House would handle the Senate bill.

“Hopefully they’ll be around, and we can get at least a lot of the government opened up again, and then we’ll go from there,” he said.

Johnson made his game plan clear with House Republicans on a private call just minutes before addressing reporters in the Capitol, according to four people granted anonymity to describe the call. He warned that a failure to advance the short-term DHS stopgap would upend GOP plans for a reconciliation bill, the people said.

He suggested the Senate could quickly clear the stopgap measure once it passes the House. Most senators have left Washington for a recess running through April 13, but Johnson said the chamber could approve the House measure by unanimous consent at a planned pro forma session Monday.

But some House Republicans on the private call, including Rep. Carlos Gimenez of Florida, aired doubts it could pass the Senate — or even the House. Some fellow GOP centrists argued that the House should just swallow the Senate bill and end the standoff.

The House plan for a 60-day stopgap won a cold reception in the Senate, with even Republicans warning it will only prolong the partial government shutdown.

The plan is instead fueling frustration among both Republicans and Democrats who view House Republicans as essentially throwing temper tantrum. Three people granted anonymity to speak candidly each described the House as having a “meltdown.”

Schumer publicly slammed the House GOP plan Friday, saying it was “dead on arrival” across the Capitol, “and Republicans know it.”

A Senate GOP aide granted anonymity to speak candidly added that the quickest way to end the shutdown is for the House to pass the Senate bill.

Five people granted anonymity to comment on Senate dynamics said there was no possibility that Democrats would let the House GOP plan pass during the Senate’s brief pro forma sessions over the next two weeks. It would only take one Democratic senator to show up and object to any attempt to pass it.

The bill, according to the five people, also can’t get 60 votes in the Senate once the chamber returns. Democrats have previously rejected even shorter stopgaps, leaving some to privately question why House Republicans would ever think their plan would work.

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