Congress
No quick end to shutdown in sight on Capitol Hill
Washington is waking up to its first government shutdown in nearly seven years. How many more days that will be the case, no one knows.
With President Donald Trump and congressional leaders not actively negotiating, there’s no sign the shutdown will be over before the end of the day. And with Congress dormant for Thursday’s Yom Kippur holiday, that all but ensures it will go until at least Friday if not far beyond.
Instead, Congress is poised to enact a reprise performance Wednesday: The Senate will vote on, and likely reject, dueling stopgap proposals for a third time, while House Democrats hold another closed-door meeting and House Republicans do not plan to return to the Capitol until next week at the earliest.
Leaders of both parties are digging in for a lengthy battle — ramping up the blame game and putting the onus on their political opponents to blink if they are going to quickly find a way to reopen shuttered agencies.
“It’s in their court to solve it — it’s their shutdown,” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer said of Republicans Tuesday.
“We are not going to be held hostage,” Senate Majority Leader John Thune said. “There isn’t anything here to negotiate.”
Fueling the stalemate are perverse political incentives. Both parties believe the other will face a bigger voter backlash over the shutdown. Democrats are banking on Republicans shouldering the blame because they control the levers of power in Washington.
Under pressure from their base to show they are fighting Trump, they spent months honing a strategy to make health care, including extending insurance subsidies set to lapse at the end of the year, the centerpiece of their message going into this shutdown and next year’s midterm elections.
But Republicans are warning that if Democrats are banking on them quickly caving, they will be waiting — and agencies will be hamstrung — for quite some time. GOP leaders are set to hold a morning news conference outside the Capitol Wednesday to hammer Democrats and reiterate that there is one path out of the shutdown: a House-passed seven-week funding punt.
Asked if he was ruling out any talks on Democrats’ health care demands, Thune said, “The negotiation happens when the government opens.”
The trench warfare has lawmakers openly questioning whether they can find a way out of the showdown anytime soon. The atmosphere in the Capitol has darkened from just 48 hours ago when senators and aides were holding out faint hope that an Oval Office meeting between Trump and Democratic leaders would help shake loose some progress toward a deal.
Instead, the meeting produced no outward progress, and Trump has since poisoned the well by posting inflammatory deepfake videos depicting Schumer and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries.
Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.) said he hoped a shutdown would be “short” as he cast doubt on Schumer’s ability to hold Senate Democrats together indefinitely.
“I don’t believe that 47 Democratic senators are going to want to walk the plank,” he said.
Republicans got a boost Tuesday night when Sens. Angus King (I-Maine) and Catherine Cortez Masto (D-Nev.) joined Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.) to vote for the GOP-led House bill. Republicans are hoping they will be able to peel off five more Democrats as the shutdown continues, with Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.) among the senators they’re watching closely.
King critiqued the push from some corners of the Democratic base to use the shutdown battle to fight Trump, saying in a video explaining his vote that the “irony, the paradox, is by shutting the government, we’re actually giving Donald Trump more power.”
Thune left the door open for talks with Schumer after Tuesday’s votes, noting that the New York Democrat knows how to get a hold of him. But any conversations would happen against a backdrop of mounting political pressure.
Republicans will force a vote again Wednesday on their funding bill and plan to keep calling up the bill almost daily — including through this coming weekend — to try to squeeze the opposition. Speaker Mike Johnson and fellow House GOP leaders, meanwhile, are still mulling how to extract maximum pain from Democrats, including debating whether they’ll return next week as previously advised, according to two people granted anonymity to describe private deliberations.
Top Republicans, the people said, are wary of bringing the House back without a legislative fix to vote on and are also discussing what votes they could potentially force Democrats to take to inflict more political pain.
Senate Democrats have also been privately debating what steps they can take during a shutdown to try to keep pressure on Republicans and potentially create an off-ramp, according to two other people granted anonymity to disclose internal discussions.
Schumer remained unbowed after Tuesday night’s vote, saying “Republicans have failed to get enough votes to avoid a shutdown. They’ve got to sit down and negotiate with Democrats.”
But pressed on whether he could guarantee his caucus would stick together against the GOP bill, Schumer was less than definite: “The bottom line is, our guarantee is to the American people that we are going to fight as hard as we can for their health care,” he said.
While leadership-level relations stay chilly, rank-and-file Republicans and Democrats have engaged in quiet talks about possible paths out of the shutdown. Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine) said it might be time to bring back the “talking stick,” an object passed around in bipartisan meetings of senators who helped end a brief shutdown in early 2018.
“I still have it,” a smiling Collins said.
Cortez Masto told reporters after her vote on Tuesday night that she’s “open to working with my colleagues across the aisle to extend the credits if that helps open the government again.”
Part of the discussions include potential reassurances on the Affordable Care Act credits that are key for Democrats. Other Republican senators are floating trial balloon olive branches to their Democratic colleagues.
Those talks, so far, haven’t reached critical mass. And some Republicans who support extending the credits worry the shutdown will make an eventual deal more complicated.
“This will put that on ice for a while,” said Sen. Josh Hawley of Missouri, one of the Republicans who favors an extension. “I think the length of the shutdown will affect that. … Once you go off the cliff it’s hard to come back.”
Meredith Lee Hill and Calen Razor contributed to this report.
Congress
Sanders, AOC, Merkley propose bill to ban Flock cameras
Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) and Sens. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.) on Friday released text of legislation intended to ban the use of Flock surveillance cameras and other license plate readers.
Flock has faced severe public backlash against the surveillance technology following reports that police officers misused the technology to track women, and it has the largest network of license plate readers across the U.S. Sens. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) and Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) hosted a hearing last month probing its potential misuses, although the company’s CEO Garrett Langley did not appear.
The latest bill, unveiled Friday and named the Ban Flock Act, would bar federal agencies from using automated license plate readers or accessing data from the technology and prevent federal grants from funding states and local governments that use automated license plate readers.
“At a time of growing concern about the unchecked power of artificial intelligence, Flock is eviscerating the very notion of privacy by installing tens of thousands of cameras in communities across America without their consent,” Sanders, who has positioned himself as a leading progressive voice on AI technology, said in a statement. “We cannot allow America to become a surveillance state where a handful of AI oligarchs profit by giving the government the power to track our every movement.”
Ocasio-Cortez similarly condemned the surveillance capabilities of the technology and said the bill would “enforce our constitutional right to privacy and protect Americans from both corporate and government surveillance.”
“No one should have this unchecked surveillance power at their fingertips,” Merkley added.
Republicans have introduced similar efforts to regulate license plate readers, such as Hawley’s Stop Flock Abuse Act, which would require audits and limits on unauthorized searches.
Flock did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Congress
Capitol agenda: Dems spend big to help Hakeem’s dream
Democrats watching Speaker Mike Johnson deal with a chaotically slim majority have seen enough — and they’re trying to avoid the same fate.
The party is investing in deep-red districts that could pad a future majority and strengthen the hand of Hakeem Jeffries, who’s widely favored as speaker if Democrats win the chamber in November.
“Another five-or-so-seat buffer would be a game-changer,” said one senior House Democrat, who like others in this report was granted anonymity to discuss internal party dynamics. That lawmaker added it would help Jeffries “rise above some of the incoming bullshit he’s going to have to deal with.”
Every extra seat would help Jeffries secure the speaker’s gavel without having to make concessions to the two clashing blocs within his party: progressives and moderates.
Recent spending reflects these ambitions. Since the start of August, Democratic-aligned groups and candidates have spent or committed more than $73 million in ad dollars to GOP-held districts that President Donald Trump won by at least 10 points in 2024, according to a Blue Light News review of data from AdImpact. The NewDem Action Fund, the political arm of the centrist New Democrat Coalition, is spending in some even redder districts.
“Every single endorsed candidate supports Hakeem Jeffries for speaker of the House,” said the fund’s chair, Rep. Greg Stanton. “We will be a strong governing partner with Hakeem Jeffries to make sure that his speakership is as successful as possible.”
Tight majorities are misery-makers for speakers. Before Johnson, former Speaker Kevin McCarthy gave numerous concessions to his party’s right flank to assume the role — only to later be ousted by those same lawmakers. And former Speaker Nancy Pelosi had to cut a deal with moderates to secure her post in 2018 by promising to limit her leadership term.
Even with the gavel secured, a speaker has more flexibility to manage the floor if he or she can let some party colleagues peel off on tough votes.
Progressive challengers ousted a handful of Democratic incumbents in primaries this year, and they could adopt tactics from the ultraconservative House Freedom Caucus if Democrats win just a narrow majority.
Meanwhile, newly elected moderates, particularly from rural districts that swung heavily for Trump in 2024, could end up as a bigger problem for Jeffries — as they were for Pelosi when she was speaker.
What else we’re watching:
— HAWLEY’S POPULIST AI REBELLION: Sen. Josh Hawley’s push against artificial intelligence is placing an unmistakable marker for anti-tech rhetoric in the 2028 campaign among ambitious Republicans. Hawley’s call for AI safety legislation this week — including imposing corporate liability when AI causes harm — contrasts with Trump’s favoring of voluntary standards and exposes the growing rift between Republicans on how to respond to the technology. But Hawley’s influence is poised to expand as more Republicans start to echo his tone.
— GOP ADS SPUR CORPORATE HEARTBURN: A series of TV campaign ads this midterms season has highlighted a growing reality: On the right it’s become increasingly in vogue to bash big business. The ascendancy of Trump has ushered in a new era of skepticism toward multinational corporations in a party traditionally known as corporation-friendly. That puts big financial services firms, health insurance companies and tech titans — the subjects of the hottest rhetoric — at risk for becoming high-profile political punching bags for Republican 2028 presidential hopefuls.
Andrew Howard, Meredith Lee Hill, Riley Rogerson, Jessica Piper, John Hendel, Jasper Goodman and Victoria Guida contributed to this report.
Congress
The low-profile Democrat helping shape her party’s AI agenda
As Democrats scramble to create a viable plan to regulate artificial intelligence, one little-known lawmaker is playing a major behind-the-scenes role in shaping her party’s approach to the technology.
Rep. Valerie Foushee, a North Carolina Democrat in her second term, is one of three co-chairs of a commission tasked by Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries to generate AI policy recommendations.
It’s a position that has given her significant power to mold Democrats’ thinking on the rapidly evolving issue, even as her fellow commission members cut more public personas through regular appearances at news conferences and in media hits: Rep. Ted Lieu of California is vice-chair of the House Democratic Caucus, while Rep. Josh Gottheimer of New Jersey has built a reputation as a self-styled moderate dealmaker.
In an interview earlier this week, Foushee said the commission has submitted a “first draft” of its much-anticipated recommendations to Jeffries. And while Jeffries will ultimately provide feedback to inform the final report, she said she would push for there to “always be a human element” in any AI regulatory framework, with civil rights and liberties at the center.
“We have seen evidence of how technology can be used for discrimination,” said Foushee. “We’ve seen how some groups have been excluded.”
A member of the Congressional Black Caucus who also associates with both the Congressional Progressive Caucus and centrist New Democrat Coalition, Foushee is representative of a broad, mainstream swath of House Democrats that has yet to stake a clear position on AI. And her vision for an AI regulatory model that keeps humans in control and builds in civil rights protections could provide a blueprint for her party.
She doesn’t want to stifle innovation, she explained; rather, “my focus is to make sure that we’re not leaving anybody behind.”
Foushee said she didn’t set out to lead on AI policy, but joined a bipartisan AI task force in the previous Congress given her seat on the House Science, Space and Technology Committee.
Since the task force released its recommendations in December 2024, House Republican leaders considered its mission complete, according to a senior GOP leadership aide granted anonymity to describe internal conversations. So when Speaker Mike Johnson opted not to reconstitute the panel in January 2025, Jeffries created his Democrat-only commission to fill that void, tapping Foushee as one of its commissioners.
“I was glad to be one of those that the leader thought might be helpful in leading us into the future,” she said. “So I don’t know if I would say that I was, you know, moved to do it, but certainly happy to do my part.”
Lieu, in a statement, called Foushee “unwavering in her commitment to ensuring AI systems don’t harm civil rights and equal opportunity.”
“I visited Val’s district earlier this year,” he continued, “and saw firsthand how effectively she works with local stakeholders to address the threats and unlock the possibilities of AI in her community.”
Foushee represents parts of the so-called Research Triangle encompassing Durham and Chapel Hill — the homes of Duke University and the University of North Carolina, where AI technologies are being studied. Her state is also a major hub for data centers powering the AI boom.
In her work with Lieu and Gottheimer, Foushee said “we’re all involved in everything” and that “you might say we’ve grown on each other.” Her main area of interest, though, has been to elevate civil rights and liberties protections.
She has introduced multiple bills to that end. One piece of legislation would require people to be told about when they are engaging with a chatbot instead of a human. Another would seek to expand participation in the AI research, education and workforce development among Historically Black Colleges and Universities and other minority-serving institutions.
Foushee’s work on the commission is also being informed by her regular engagement with each of the major AI labs. In her eyes, Anthropic has been the most receptive to regulatory measures while others have favored more “pro-innovation” policies.
She was adamant, however, that Anthropic was in no way influencing the AI policies she could soon be shopping to colleagues — even though a political action committee funded by Anthropic executives spent a little over a million dollars to support her in a competitive primary earlier this year.
“Let me just say to you that no one should be worried or concerned,” Foushee said. “My work on AI has always been focused on establishing guardrails and holding corporations accountable. There is nothing that you will see in any legislation that I have introduced, led, co-led, or co-sponsored that has not been towards holding corporations accountable and protecting the American public.”
In any event, Foushee said she has had no direct outreach from Anthropic’s CEO, Dario Amodei, since he led calls last month for a slowdown of advanced AI development amid warnings it could soon pose an imminent threat to human civilization.
“When … you’re not allowing for the engagement of members of Congress, and not even an opportunity to provide input or to be engaged in the conversation, it makes me wonder what those efforts are about,” said Foushee.
A spokesperson for Anthropic did not return a request for comment, while Nate Evans, a spokesperson for OpenAI, said the company was “deeply engaged with Congress on federal policy to advance AI safety, through dozens of meetings in recent weeks with members of both parties in both chambers.”
Representatives from Anthropic and OpenAI also briefed members of the Science Committee in mid-September.
All three commission co-chairs have been tight-lipped about what their AI recommendations could entail — especially as lawmakers in both parties are beginning to sense real urgency to rein in the technology and are desperate for legislative solutions.
It also remains to be seen whether the forthcoming agenda will unify a party that has been largely aligned on the need for regulation but deeply split on the specifics.
Some progressives, led by Progressive Caucus Chair Greg Casar of Texas, support banning highly sophisticated AI systems and pausing AI development until a government-led vetting procedure can be implemented.
Rep. Lori Trahan (D-Mass.), meanwhile, has introduced what is currently one of the only comprehensive, bipartisan bills to regulate advanced AI models — but it stops significantly short of the pauses championed by progressives and opens a thorny debate about whether to preempt state AI laws with an overarching federal framework.
Foushee said she has not signed onto Casar’s proposal to ban superintelligence, explaining she has yet to review it. She did throw cold water on another progressive-led proposal to place a moratorium on data centers, saying it should be up to local jurisdictions whether to build the controversial, energy-sucking facilities.
She has not decided whether she will co-sponsor the bill Trahan painstakingly negotiated with California Republican Rep. Jay Obernolte. Members of both parties have been cautious to associate with the package given the hyper-partisan political environment, especially in the leadup to the midterms.
But Foushee said she supports holding a committee markup of the legislation, adding that when fellow Democrats ask her about the measure, she replies, “I’m not one to say that this member should or should not say or do this, that, or the other. I’m not hell bent on any one particular approach.”
Democrats “should continue to lead but it certainly does not mean to me that there should not be a bipartisan effort to put forward a framework,” said Foushee. “When indeed we are in the majority, then that is what we plan to do.”
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