Congress
Tables turn for Democrats as they use shutdown for leverage
On one side is the minority party, using what little leverage it has — a looming government funding deadline — to push for priorities it can’t enact otherwise. On the other is the majority, insisting a short-term funding punt is no place for negotiation.
If that sounds familiar, that’s because just such a scenario has played out dozens of times on Capitol Hill over the past decade and a half — usually with Republicans pushing for policy concessions and Democrats insisting on a “clean” stopgap.
Not this time. The roles have been reversed between the two parties as Congress barrels toward a government shutdown on Oct. 1 with no obvious off-ramp in sight.
It’s Republicans who are pushing a “clean” seven-week continuing resolution, which they say will buy time for more negotiations on full-year spending bills and possibly an extension of expiring health insurance subsidies. Democrats, meanwhile, wrote an alternative four-week punt that tacks on a laundry list of other demands, including a permanent extension of the insurance subsidies.
Conservative Republicans who have balked at past stopgaps have signed on to their party’s strategy, as have Democrats who have traditionally been most loath to flirt with shutdowns — such as the Washington-area members who represent federal workers who stand to be furloughed.
“My brain’s falling out of my head,” Rep. Rich McCormick (R-Ga.) said in an interview. ”When you talk about the Freedom Caucus talking about passing a CR and the Democrats saying, ‘I’m going to shut down the government.’ I’ve never seen anything so weird in my life.”
There are myriad reasons for the current moment’s Bizarro World politics, but the biggest is a transformation of incentives. Where Republicans have spent most of the past 15 years heeding the wishes of a party base spoiling for a fight, damn the consequences, it’s now Democrats in that position. The GOP, meanwhile, is in lockstep behind President Donald Trump, who is determined to corner his opposition.
The current situation, in fact, is a nearly precise inversion of the standoff seen in the fall of 2013, when conservative Republicans led by Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas sparked a shutdown over a demand to reverse Democrats’ signature health care law, the Affordable Care Act. They backed down after 17 days.
“It did not work for them,” House Appropriations Chair Tom Cole (R-Okla.) recalled last week as he reflected on how Democrats are now seeking a reversal of parts of the GOP’s own signature legislation — health care provisions in the domestic policy bill the party passed in July. Democrats also want to extend the enhanced ACA subsidies that expire at the end of this year.
“They tied something unrelated to spending, Obamacare, and shut down the government,” Cole added. “That was the wrong thing to do then. … You are doing the same thing now. It’s nothing else.”
Democrats at the time insisted that any funding bill stay free of policy provisions. Then-Majority Leader Harry Reid at the time cast the choice for the GOP as “whether to pass the Senate’s clean CR or force a Republican government shutdown.”
They said much the same when they had majorities under President Joe Biden. According to statistics that have been circulated by Senate Republicans this month, Congress complied by passing 13 clean funding stopgaps in that four-year stretch.
Pressed on the turning of the tables, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer on Friday insisted there was an articulable distinction.
“What’s different? They were taking something away,” he told reporters. “We’re trying to restore something that they took away. It’s a world of difference when you’re trying to do some good for people rather than doing negative stuff for people.”
It’s not just Democrats who have had to confront a tactical 180 in the current fight. Facing grumbling from the right flank of his conference, Speaker Mike Johnson vowed last year to never pass another continuing resolution to fund the government. On Friday, he muscled through the second GOP-backed stopgap of 2025.
One House Republican described a closed-door conference meeting last week like being in “the Twilight Zone,” as several hard-liners who once opposed continuing resolutions as preludes to bloated, opaque omnibus spending bills voiced support for a short-term punt.
Among those who spoke up was Rep. Scott Perry (R-Pa.), a former House Freedom Caucus chair, and Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio), a co-founder of the hard-right group who used to push for shutdowns but now urged his colleagues to “send Chuck Schumer a clean CR.”
The key difference this time is Trump, who publicly backed both GOP-led stopgaps this year. It’s also helped that his budget director, Russell Vought, has delighted conservatives by seeking to formally rescind or simply not spend money Congress has previously appropriated. Democrats are now seeking a prohibition on those moves in the current standoff.
“There’s nothing clean about the administration undermining Congress,” Rep. Mike Levin (D-Calif.) said.
Last week, Democrats were mainly fuming about Trump’s comments that GOP leaders shouldn’t “even bother dealing with” them. On Friday, he predicted “it could very well end up with a closed country for a period of time.” A day later, after top Democratic leaders demanded a meeting, he said he would “love to meet with them, but I don’t think it’s going to have any impact.”
“Donald Trump told them, ‘Don’t talk to the Democrats,’ and so they didn’t,” Rep. Bennie Thompson (D-Miss.) said. “He wanted a clean CR, and he got it on the House side. I’m not sure what he’ll get in the Senate.”
Trump’s comments fueled partisan tensions that spilled into plain sight Friday with Schumer and Sen. John Barrasso of Wyoming, the No. 2 Republican leader, bickering on the Senate floor.
Barrasso accused Schumer of trying to take funding “hostage,” blocking Schumer’s attempt to claim speaking time to ask a question.
“The reason we are having a shutdown now is you and your leadership refused to talk to Democrats or have any input,” Schumer said in response. “Never a shutdown when we were in the leadership.”
Top Republican leaders are supremely confident that Democrats are holding a losing hand — based in part on the outcomes of past shutdown fights their own party instigated.
“You learn from past experience,” Thune said, responding to a question about the 2013 shutdown. “When you’re the ones who are trying to have a bunch of new stuff, generally, I think you’re the ones who end up getting blamed when there’s a shutdown.”
But Democrats so far have continued to dig in — including those members who have tended to serve as an internal bulwark against brinkmanship. Typically members with constituencies heavy on federal workers have been wary of shutdowns, but even they are dead set on opposing Republicans’ recent Medicaid cuts and securing the insurance subsidy extension.
“Everything they’re doing is designed to protect their dismantling of Medicaid and the health care system, and we made a very emphatic statement that we are going to stand strong,” Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.) said.
GOP leaders believe if Senate Democrats don’t fold right away, they’ll get an earful from constituents when they’re back home this week for the Rosh Hashanah break.
They’re eyeing members such as Virginia Sen. Mark Warner, who has been adamant in public that Republicans will bear the cost of a shutdown. Republicans think Warner, who is seeking reelection next year, is likely to change his tune. “I don’t know if they’ll want to stick it out then,” said one House Republican granted anonymity to speak frankly about party strategy.
But Warner said Friday he was ready to fight, citing “17 million Americans going without health insurance, cancer rates going up dramatically, [the] country visibly sicker with cuts to research.”
“I know the president may not want to acknowledge checks and balances,” Warner said. But “he can’t do this with Republican-only votes.”
Hailey Fuchs, Jordain Carney, Katherine Tully-McManus and Jennifer Scholtes contributed to this report.
Congress
How Arizona voters are set to put Mike Johnson in a corner
Speaker Mike Johnson is about to confront one of his biggest leadership tests yet, courtesy of voters in southwest Arizona.
They are highly likely to elect a new Democratic House member in a special election Tuesday. That would-be lawmaker, Adelita Grijalva, told Blue Light News she plans to become the 218th and clinching supporter of a bipartisan effort to force public disclosure of federal investigative files related to the late sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.
It’s a controversy that Johnson has been working desperately to snuff out in recent months on behalf of President Donald Trump, who has called the effort a “Democrat hoax.” Now he will have to decide whether to pull rank and settle a fight that has divided his conference or let the matter play out on the House floor.
Grijalva — who is heavily favored to succeed her late father, Raúl Grijalva, in a district Trump lost by 22 points — said she will be pleased to force the issue. She would be eligible to sign immediately after she is sworn in, likely early next month.
“This is as much about fulfilling Congress’ duty as a constitutional check on this administration as it is about demanding justice for survivors,” she said. “The days of turning a blind eye to Trump must end.”
Grijalva’s signature would complete a process launched by Reps. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) and Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) after the Epstein controversy exploded over the summer, cornering Republican leaders between Trump and GOP voters who have insisted on transparency in the government’s handling of the abuser.
The discharge petition allows Massie and Khanna to sidestep Johnson, who has instead supported a House Oversight Committee probe into Epstein. It would force a floor vote requiring publication of all Justice Department records related to the sex offender, with limited exceptions to protect victims.
Johnson has options, however. He can seek to block the discharge effort in the Rules Committee, which he nominally controls, but he has faced a string of mutinies there over Epstein in recent weeks. Or he can let the bipartisan Epstein bill proceed to the floor, where it’s very likely to pass, extending the controversy and handing the hot potato to Senate GOP leaders.
Asked last week about the dilemma, Johnson said he wasn’t ready to make a call.
“We haven’t talked about any of that,” he said in a brief interview before leaving the Capitol Friday, adding that the discharge vote was a “moot point.” He referenced a House vote this month that directed the Oversight panel to continue its probe without explicitly requiring the Justice Department to release the files.
“The Oversight Committee is working overtime on this,” Johnson said. “They’re releasing every single page of documents every time they receive one. I mean, it’s all out in the open. It genuinely is a moot point.”
Behind closed doors, Johnson has told Republicans in recent weeks he wouldn’t force the Rules Committee to short-circuit the discharge petition. Johnson and GOP leaders have also acknowledged in private that a floor vote is likely if the petition gets 218 signatures, as POLITICO reported earlier this month.
House Rules Chair Virginia Foxx (R-N.C.) also said in a brief interview earlier this month that her panel would not intervene in the discharge petition and block a floor vote on Massie-Khanna bill.
White House operatives have been aware for weeks that the petition was on track to receive the necessary 218 signatures without any additional GOP support, according to two Trump officials granted anonymity to comment on internal dealings. Rep. James Walkinshaw (D-Va.) became the 217th supporter after winning a special election earlier this month. Grijalva’s victory has not been in much doubt.
Trump has stewed over the matter. Earlier this month, he argued on the Truth Social that DOJ “has done its job” and “given everything requested of them,” adding that it’s “time to end the Democrat Epstein Hoax.”
Despite White House pressure, three Republican women — Reps. Marjorie Taylor Greene (Ga.), Nancy Mace (S.C.) and Lauren Boebert (Colo.) — have declined to remove their names from the discharge petition. They have cast their decisions to sign as a gesture of support for Epstein’s victims and for transparency.
“These are some of the most courageous women I’ve ever met,” Greene said after meeting some of them earlier this month. “This shouldn’t have been a battle, and unfortunately, it has been one.”
If the bipartisan bill goes to the floor, other House Republicans who didn’t sign onto the discharge effort are expected to join the three women in supporting the measure — possibly many more.
That could ramp up pressure on Senate Republicans to take action, though Majority Leader John Thune has so far beaten back several Democratic efforts to surface the Epstein issue in that chamber. He has declined to say how the Senate might act on the Massie-Khanna measure.
Some Republicans have recognized that burying the issue could be untenable for party leaders.
“I don’t think there’s too many options,” Rep. Riley Moore (R-W.Va.) told reporters when asked about the House discharge petition in late August. “I think you have to take it up, right?”
Nicholas Wu and Jordain Carney contributed to this report.
Congress
Nancy Mace and Cory Mills are still squabbling over censure vote
A failed effort to punish Democratic Rep. Ilhan Omar for comments about Charlie Kirk led to more squabbling Monday among two Republicans.
Rep. Nancy Mace attacked Rep. Cory Mills for voting against the measure with a series of social media posts, calling attention to previous reports alleging that the Florida lawmaker has exaggerated his war record.
Mace, who is running for governor of South Carolina, has been feuding with Mills since he became one of four Republicans to join all Democrats to kill her censure measure, which fell just one vote short of passing on Wednesday.
She suggested in her social media posts that Mills should be removed from his position on the House Armed Services Committee for lying about his Army service.
“Cory Mills never spent over 20 years in the Iraq War or Middle East fighting terrorists,” Mace wrote. “This guy definitely has a screw loose and shouldn’t be on Foreign Affairs or the House Armed Services Committee.”
Mills said he voted against censoring Omar on First Amendment grounds. “At the end of the day, I’m a constitutionalist,” Mills wrote on X after blocking Mace’s censure vote.
The vote ended the effort to strip Omar of her committee assignments over her criticism of the late conservative political activist. The Minnesota lawmaker strenuously denied directly making the comments cited by Mace, and House Democrats rallied behind her.
Neither Mace nor Mills responded Monday to requests for comment.
Mills responded on social media with a handful of posts defending his military service and past statements, even posting a lettersigned by a fellow service member from his time in Iraq to respond to attacks that have been leveled previously against the Florida lawmaker.
“On multiple occasions Team-21 was attacked by insurgents with improvised explosive devices (IEDs and EFPs),” the letter reads. “Cory was present for two of these attacks.”
The letter goes on to defend Mills’ statements that he had been “blown up” on two missions in Iraq, incidents that Mace has specifically questioned.
“I understand that there may be a question as to what “blown up” means to the military contractors that served in Iraq and Afghanistan,” the letter states. It refers (in contractor speak) to being in a motorcade struck by improvised explosive devices. It does not necessarily mean that you are physically “blown up” or even seriously wounded.”
Mace dismissed his responses in follow-up posts.
“This post doesn’t say or prove anything,” Mace replied on X. “This is what he does. Blows hot air hoping no one will notice. And you’re not allowed to question all of his many lies.”
Congress
Trump to meet with Democratic leaders ahead of shutdown deadline
President Donald Trump will meet this week with House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer to discuss government funding ahead of a looming shutdown deadline, according to two people granted anonymity to discuss the plans, which have not been publicly announced.
It was not immediately clear when this week the sitdown will happen; it’s also unclear if the top Republican congressional leaders will participate. Both the House and Senate are out of session this week, with funding set to expire at midnight Sept. 30.
Republicans and Trump have been pushing for a “clean” seven-week stopgap spending bill, while Democrats have introduced an alternative measure that would extend government funding for four weeks while attaching other demands.
The meeting comes after Schumer and Jeffries, frustrated with GOP congressional leaders refusing their two previous attempts to set up a meeting, sent a letter to Trump on Saturday asking for a sitdown. Trump told reporters over the weekend that he would be happy to meet but warned “I don’t think it’s going to have any impact.”
Democratic leaders, under intense pressure from their base to mount a visible resistance to Trump, are angling to make the government shutdown fight about health care. They are pushing for concessions from Republicans on an extension of health insurance subsidies that are set to expire at the end of the year, as well as a rollback of the Medicaid cuts in the GOP’s recent domestic policy megabill.
But Republicans have warned they won’t agree to attach any of the Democratic demands to the stopgap bill. While there is some GOP support for an extension of the expiring subsidies, party leaders argue that is an issue to tackle later this year.
Punchbowl News first reported the planned meeting.
Myah Ward contributed to this report.
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