Politics
Blue state GOPers shudder
With help from Amira McKee
MUTUALLY ASSURED REDISTRICTING: The multi-front, tit-for-tat gerrymandering war is putting New York Republicans in a perilous position, and they’re acting quickly to condemn Hochul — and even buck President Donald Trump — to avoid becoming casualties as Dems seek retaliatory redistricting.
After President Donald Trump pressed Texas Gov. Greg Abbott to redraw his state’s congressional maps in a way that would add five GOP seats, Hochul responded with a pledge to “fight fire with fire.”
New York’s Republican Reps. Mike Lawler, Elise Stefanik, Nicole Malliotakis and Nick LaLota don’t want to become collateral damage. To that end, some are even willing to blast Trump’s efforts in Texas.
“What Texas is doing is wrong and I’m opposed to it,” Lawler texted Playbook, noting that he’s sponsoring a bill with fellow blue state Republican Rep. Kevin Kiley of California that would ban gerrymandering nationwide.
Malliotakis is speaking out against Texas’ redistricting efforts too.
“I may differ in opinion from many of my colleagues on this, particularly the ones from Texas,” she told The Joe Piscopo Show on Monday. “I’m not somebody who’s supportive of any type of gerrymandering.”
Their efforts come as Hochul continues to burn away any pretense that New York’s redistricting process should be independent.
“Up until now, Democrats have treated our political system like it’s still governed by norms, guarded by limits and rooted in fairness,” Hochul wrote in an op-ed published today in the Houston Chronicle. “Rules were meant to be followed. It hurts to say it, but that era has come to an end.”
On Monday, as Hochul hosted Texas lawmakers fleeing their state to prevent passage of redistricting legislation, Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie told New York’s Republicans to pipe up.
“Perhaps the Republican members of Congress here in New York could say to their Republican colleagues in Texas, ‘Hey, slow down on this, because this can also affect us,’” he said.
But the Republicans speaking out about what’s going on deep in the heart of Texas still won’t forget Dems’ redistricting past at home.
New York Democrats tried to redraw district lines in their favor long before Trump told Texas to make changes of its own. In 2021, voters rejected a Democrat-led ballot referendum to weaken the independence of the state’s redistricting process. The next year, the courts blocked their attempts to redraw the maps in a way that would favor Democrats.
“New York Dems have been trying to gerrymander and rig the elections for years, well before what Texas is doing,” Lawler said. “They are not doing this in response, they are using this as cover to justify what they have wanted to do.”
Lawler said he’s still working on the specifics of his federal anti-gerrymandering bill.
Stefanik — who’s considering a gubernatorial run against Hochul — said she would work to prevent mid-decade redistricting in New York if elected governor. But she went silent when Playbook asked her if she’s against mid-decade redistricting in Texas.
“As Governor, Congresswoman Stefanik would support the NY State Constitution that is explicit with once a decade redistricting and the will of the voters of NY that voted for the independent bipartisan commission,” her spokesperson Alex DeGrasse said in a statement. “Congresswoman Stefanik successfully led the effort to protect the integrity of NY elections and fair district lines while Kathy Hochul tried twice to illegally gerrymander and suppress the will of New York voters.”
Hochul spokesperson Jen Goodman responded to New York’s GOP members.
“If New York House Republicans are serious about protecting democracy, they should direct their outrage at Donald Trump and their colleagues in Texas trying to dismantle it,” she said. “Until Texas stands down, Governor Hochul will continue exploring every available option to fight fire with fire and ensure New York voters are not silenced.”— Jason Beeferman
A FEDERAL SUIT AGAINST EVEN-YEAR ELECTIONS: Republicans are planning to file a federal lawsuit challenging New York’s new law moving most local elections to even-numbered years.
The suit is in the works as the state Court of Appeals is scheduled to hear arguments in September in a series of state-level cases brought over the 2023 law, which rescheduled town and county races. A mid-level appellate court concluded in May that the law doesn’t run afoul of the state constitution, despite challenges from eight GOP county executives.
Arguments in the forthcoming federal lawsuit were previewed in an amicus brief filed today in the state’s top court on behalf of the town of Riverhead and Nassau County Legislator Mazi Pilip. They’re saying the state law runs afoul of the U.S. Constitution.
“The primary purpose of the First Amendment is not to increase raw participation numbers, but rather to protect the public dialogue and debate that sits at the very heart of our democracy. When local elections are consolidated with federal and statewide contests, local candidates are pushed to the margins of the ‘public square,’” according to the brief, a copy of which was obtained by Playbook.
“The First Amendment doesn’t stop at the steps of the state capital,” said William A. Brewer III, the counsel representing Riverhead and Pilip. “Our clients contend that in their communities, democracy will be drowned out — not by censorship, but by unnecessary burdens to local speech.”
State Sen. James Skoufis, who sponsored the now-on-the-books bill to reschedule elections, said the suit is evidence local officials like Pilip are “afraid of more voters participating in their elections.”
“This is desperate and pathetic,” Skoufis said. “It is obviously constitutional — there are other states that have done it, there are other jurisdictions that have done it. It unequivocally and dramatically increases voter turnout. So it’s laughable on its face that anyone thinks this isn’t going to be completely thrown out of a courtroom.” — Bill Mahoney
BOOK OF JOB APPROVAL: Mayor Eric Adams held a rally on the steps of City Hall today with a pan-city collection of faith leaders backing his run. The incumbent, who is limping along in the polls and facing high disapproval ratings from voters, used the opportunity to highlight his accomplishments and re-air his longstanding grievances with the press.
Adams, who repeatedly criticized Andrew Cuomo for avoiding the media during the Democratic primary, began the event with a warning: He would not be taking questions.
“After I speak, I’m bouncing,” Adams said. “You’re not going to tarnish the good news of today.”
He closed his remarks by asking God for a “special prayer.”
“Lay hands on our media,” he said. “Heal them. Put honesty in their hearts.”
Adams has taken umbrage at coverage of his since-dismissed federal bribery case, allegations of a quid pro quo with President Donald Trump and corruption probes that hollowed out his inner circle.
As he left, reporters peppered him with queries anyway, prompting the mayor to clap and chant “ask me the good news questions” as he and his retinue disappeared into City Hall. — Joe Anuta
RESOLUTION TO BACK THE BLUE: Stefanik introduced a resolution today to condemn the mass shooting last week in midtown Manhattan, where five were killed including an off-duty NYPD officer.
The measure also condemns “divisive rhetoric and violence against federal, state, and local law enforcement officers and urges lawmakers to redouble their commitment to backing the blue.”
The North Country Republican said in a statement that “anti-police policies should have no place in our great state.”
Meanwhile, on Long Island, Nassau County Executive Bruce Blakeman and Rep. Andrew Garbarino, both Republicans, sought to emphasize the importance of training and collaboration among local, state and federal law enforcement officials. They toured the Nassau County Police Department’s intelligence center and police training village.
Garbarino, the new chair of the House Homeland Security Committee, said his focus will be counterterrorism, including in neighboring New York City.
“New York is the greatest city, it’s also the one that’s most top targeted and we have to protect it,” the House member said.
Stefanik and Blakeman, potential candidates for governor next year who are close allies of President Donald Trump, have slammed Democrats for policies and rhetoric they say is dangerous for law enforcement officials. But they did not reference their political affiliation in their remarks today. — Emily Ngo
— MAMDANI DRAWS JEWISH VOTERS: Zohran Mamdani appealed to Jewish New Yorkers who were drawn to his affordability-focused platform and unbothered by or supportive of his views on Israel and Gaza. (The New York Times)
— CUOMO RECALIBRATES: Andrew Cuomo’s revamped campaign is shifting away from his historically vehement defense of Israel. (Bloomberg)
— ICE CRACKDOWN: Most immigrants arrested in New York City since the Trump administration ramped up its stringent border policies do not have criminal charges or convictions. (The New York Times)
Missed this morning’s New York Playbook? We forgive you. Read it here.
Top Democrats are using 2026 as a launching pad for potential 2028 presidential runs.
From progressive Reps. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) to the more moderate Pete Buttigieg and Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro, Democrats have sought to shape their party by endorsing in contested primaries this year. They’ve traveled the country to raise their own profiles and elevate candidates they see as the future of the party.
Their strategies have not always been successful — but they have been revealing: Some endorsed against incumbents based on generational or ideological differences. Some weighed in early to give candidates credence, while others waited until the last minute to help them close out the race. And some have focused on purple districts and other competitive races that could determine control of Congress in the fall.
“If you’re thinking about running for president, you need allies,” said Mike Nellis, a Democratic strategist whose firm works with House and Senate campaigns across the country. “The more that you’re out there, trying to get people elected and making a meaningful difference, voters are going to remember that.”
Appearing with candidates on the campaign trail is an opportunity for potential 2028 candidates to create social media buzz, Nellis noted. Traveling gives them opportunities to connect with donors and elected officials across the country who might be helpful for a future presidential run and pressure test how messages work in various parts of the country. For those not up for an election of their own this year, it’s also a way to stay relevant.
Some potential presidential candidates have been particularly prolific, while others have been more cautious or stuck to their home states, according to a Blue Light News review of endorsements in House, Senate and gubernatorial races. And a handful mostly stayed out of this year’s primaries.
The most prolific endorsers
Few members of Congress threw out as many endorsements as Khanna.
The California representative, who has said he is “seriously considering” running for president in 2028, endorsed in more than a dozen races, often serving as one of the earliest national backers of progressive candidates such as Kat Abughazaleh in Illinois’ 9th District and Analilia Mejia in New Jersey’s 11th District. Abughazaleh lost her race, while Mejia won.
Khanna also backed left-wing candidates that other national progressives shied away from, most notably democratic socialist state Rep. Francesca Hong in the Wisconsin gubernatorial race.
His record is mixed. Hong lost and former Maine Senate Democratic nominee Graham Platner, who Khanna stood by despite a series of controversies, had to drop out after winning a primary but facing an allegation of sexual assault, which he denies — at which point Khanna, like many others, withdrew his endorsement.
Khanna told Blue Light News he likes “endorsing early when an insurgent candidate is a bit of a longshot because that is when they need the endorsement most.” He looks for candidates who support Medicare for All and taxing billionaires and are opposed to foreign wars.
“My philosophy is to give those who are outsiders and have to scrape their way in — like I had to — a fair shot,” he said in a text message.
Ocasio-Cortez also endorsed a large slate of progressive candidates, but she’s been more selective than Khanna — a difference in approach that’s sparked some infighting within the Bernie Sanders wing of the progressive movement.
Critics have argued she’s played it too safe. But her selectivity has also meant she avoided high-profile stumbles.
Ocasio-Cortez has positioned herself as more of a closer this cycle. In California’s 22nd District, a battleground in the Central Valley, Khanna endorsed progressive professor Randy Villegas last September, while Ocasio-Cortez dropped her endorsement in May — about a month before the primary. Villegas ultimately defeated a moderate lawmaker backed by the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee and is among the progressives who will now try to knock off an incumbent Republican in November.
Ocasio-Cortez actively campaigned for progressives in several contested battleground primaries, rallying with Sam Forstag in Montana and alongside Sanders with Abdul El-Sayed, who narrowly won the Democratic Senate nomination in Michigan.
She recently threw her support behind Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass.), who faces a primary challenge from Rep. Seth Moulton next week.
The other most frequent endorser among potential Democratic 2028ers this cycle played in a different lane. Former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, a moderate, has been active on the campaign trail, visiting most presidential battleground states and endorsing in key Senate primaries, including Rep. Angie Craig in Minnesota’s Democratic Senate primary — which she lost to progressive Peggy Flanagan — and state Rep. Josh Turek in Iowa’s Democratic Senate primary, which he won.
Buttigieg, who has said he is “more inclined than not” to run for president again in 2028, has also notched endorsement wins with Rebecca Cooke in Wisconsin’s battleground 3rd District and former Hartford Mayor Luke Bronin in Connecticut, who defeated incumbent Rep. John Larson earlier this month.
Most governors stuck close to home
Governors eyeing White House runs kept their endorsements closer to home, largely trying to play kingmaker within state lines as they face their own reelection fights.
The local focus allows them to flex their influence while avoiding criticism for nationalizing their own states’ politics. And they’ve campaigned aggressively for their chosen candidates — political power plays that not only strengthen their standing on home turf but could also serve as springboards for national bids.
Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker pumped $10 million into a super PAC supporting his lieutenant governor, Juliana Stratton, in the contentious Senate primary to replace retiring Sen. Dick Durbin, and appeared alongside her on the campaign trail. He described the race as “personal” to him; Stratton won by 7 points.
Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro expended significant political capital in one of Democrats’ top House targets in his state, helping recruit longtime ally and firefighter union chief Bob Brooks into the race against GOP Rep. Ryan Mackenzie in the state’s swingy 7th District and then working to elevate him out of a four-way primary. Shapiro fundraised for Brooks, cut an ad for him and joined him on the stump ahead of Election Day; Brooks won by nearly 20 points.
Shapiro was also one of a handful of Democratic attorneys-general-turned-governors who backed Colorado Attorney General Phil Weiser in his gubernatorial primary against Sen. Michael Bennet. Weiser won by 14 points.
In Maryland, Gov. Wes Moore backed state Del. Adrian Boafo in the crowded race to replace retiring Rep. Steny Hoyer and boosted Rep. April McClain Delaney in her bruising primary against former Rep. David Trone — including recording a robocall on her behalf. An adviser to Moore said the governor had preexisting relationships with both candidates he endorsed, and that he prioritizes local and in-state races as he seeks to make endorsement decisions that will benefit his constituents.
Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer also stuck to her state, only really playing in Michigan’s high-profile Senate race. She endorsed Rep. Haley Stevens in the final stretch of the race, although she wasn’t active on the campaign trail in the same way Pritzker was for Stratton or Shapiro for Brooks.
Disagreements among moderates
Even among candidates occupying a more centrist lane heading into 2028, there was room for disagreement.
Sen. Elissa Slotkin (D-Mich.), a former national security official, endorsed retired Navy SEAL Matt Maasdam, a moderate in Michigan’s 7th district, which she previously represented. Several Democrats had hoped she’d back former foreign service officer Bridget Brink, a fellow moderate — and as they split the centrist vote, progressive William Lawrence ascended to the nomination in the toss-up district instead.
A person familiar with Slotkin’s thinking, granted anonymity to speak candidly about internal deliberations, said that she connected better with Maasdam and saw him as a stronger general election candidate.
The person also acknowledged that Slotkin’s decision to wait to issue her endorsement until three weeks before the primary didn’t leave enough time for voters and party leaders to coalesce around Maasdam.
Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.) rolled out a slate of endorsements of veteran candidates, mostly for the general election, but has backed a range of other Democrats in primaries. That includes DCCC-backed political novice Marlene Galan-Woods in his home state, only for her to lose the primary in Arizona’s 1st District.
“As Navy combat veteran and former NASA astronaut, Mark Kelly knows the country is best served by leaders who represent their communities and bring a range of different backgrounds and experiences to the job. It’s why he’s endorsed candidates in competitive primaries and campaigned for Democrats up and down the ballot,” Kelly spokesperson Marisol Samayoa said.
In next week’s primary in New Hampshire’s 1st District, Kelly is supporting Stefany Shaheen, the daughter of his Senate colleague Jeanne Shaheen, praising her as a “fearless leader” who would stand up to President Donald Trump.
New Jersey Gov. Mikie Sherrill also went on a recent endorsement spree focused on military veterans. But she’s backing Maura Sullivan in the race against Shaheen next week, along with Rep. Seth Moulton in his primary against Sen. Ed Markey, who has gotten backing from progressives including Ocasio-Cortez.
“The fight isn’t moderates versus DSA candidates,” Sherrill told POLITICO earlier this month. “The fight is if we are going to have strong people in the Democratic Party that are going to actually make change to make people’s lives better, or people who you can just expect more of the same.”
The ones who (mostly) sat it out
Not every potential presidential candidate was eager to endorse this cycle.
Even after working to redraw boundaries in his home state to create more safely blue seats, California Gov. Gavin Newsom stayed out of the federal races — and the contest to succeed him. Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear endorsed after primaries in his home state were complete. Former White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel, who is considering his own White House bid, also eschewed endorsements.
And Kamala Harris declined to weigh in on the majority of competitive primaries because of her high profile, according to a person familiar with her thinking who was granted anonymity to speak candidly. The exceptions were “based on the closeness” of the former vice president’s relationships with the people she did endorse.
Harris recorded a robocall for Rep. Jasmine Crockett in the Texas Senate primary before Crockett eventually lost to James Talarico. She backed Del. Stacey Plaskett ahead of her U.S. Virgin Islands’ gubernatorial primary victory earlier this month. She has also endorsed Dan Koh in next week’s primary for Massachusetts’ 6th District.
All three candidates have close ties to Harris. Crockett served as co-chair of Harris’ 2024 presidential campaign, Plaskett endorsed Harris when she first ran for president in the 2020 primary, and Koh is a former Biden administration official.
Iowa’s last Democrat on how he can win in Trump country
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Alaska GOP Sen. Dan S. Sullivan can’t shake his same-name challenger.
Retired teacher Dan J. Sullivan punched a ticket out of the state’s top-four, all-party primary early Wednesday morning. He could now play spoiler in a high-stakes Senate clash between the Republican senator and former Democratic Rep. Mary Peltola that could help swing control of the upper chamber.
Republicans fought and failed to keep Dan J. Sullivan off the primary ballot, arguing he was a Democratic plant designed to boost Peltola. Both Dan J. Sullivan and Peltola’s campaign have denied any coordination.
The senator’s allies have already taken steps to mitigate the second Sullivan’s potential vote siphoning, in some cases running ads using the senator’s middle initial to help differentiate between the same-named candidates.
Supporters of the state’s ranked-choice voting system, which kicks in for the general election, argue the process helps curtail the spoiler effect. But the presence of other candidates could still skew the results of the battleground race. Outside groups flooded the primary with more than $2 million to boost myriad fringe candidates — and could do so again ahead of November.
It’s not smooth sailing for Peltola, either, as she wages an uphill battle to flip a red seat in a state President Donald Trump won by 13 percentage points in 2024. She recently replaced her campaign manager in a staffing shakeup ahead of the primary, among other internal moves.
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