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Wall Street’s debt warnings went unheeded as GOP pushed megabill forward

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As congressional Republicans advanced their megabill in recent months, many fiscal hawks in the party figured they had a powerful force on their side: wary titans of finance who had started sending powerful signals that their appetite for purchasing U.S. debt was not, in fact, endless.

Turns out Wall Street was barely a bump in the road.

In passing the One Big Beautiful Bill Act last week, GOP leaders blew past a host of warnings to potentially add several trillion dollars of additional borrowing — brushing off concerns that they were missing a late opportunity to put the nation on a more sustainable fiscal trajectory in favor of piling on expensive new tax cuts.

The whole episode was a stark display of how short-term rewards and Trump’s demands outweighed any anxieties about long-term calamity — even from a constituency as powerful as Wall Street, whose major players are reliable financiers for politicians of both parties.

Some heavyweights like JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon and billionaire investor Ray Dalio emerged as clarion voices for fiscal rectitude. Many others kept quiet on macroeconomic issues and advocated instead for the extension of tax cuts to promote economic growth — and, frequently, their own personal welfare.

Rather than send a big, beautiful signal to the bond markets that discipline would finally be restored, Republicans appear to have done the opposite: Yields on 10-year Treasuries have crept up around 18 basis points over the past week as market watchers ingested tariff news, but also openly wondered if either party is capable of reigning in the roughly $36 trillion national debt.

“If one of the goals was to calm the bond market down, I wouldn’t take much comfort from the past couple of days,” said economist Ed Yardeni, who coined the term “bond vigilantes” to describe investors who undertook massive selloffs of bonds to protest Fed policies in the 1980s.

“The act is not designed as a deficit reduction act. It’s designed as, ‘Let’s cross our fingers and hope that lower taxes boost economic growth again fast enough to bring in revenues,’” he added.

“Growth” was the word repeatedly invoked by President Donald Trump and his allies on Capitol Hill, who relied on rosy economic projections developed inside the White House to argue that the bill’s tax cuts would essentially pay for themselves.

Outside observers saw an entirely different kind of growth: Independent forecasters — including the nonpartisan in-house scorekeepers at the Congressional Budget Office — predicted the added debt created by the bill would increase federal borrowing costs, swamping any economic gains reaped through the tax cuts.

It’s a version of the “debt spiral” that many fiscal doomsayers have warned the U.S. might be entering after spending decades as the world’s safest investment. Lawmakers heard those calls loud and clear at various points recently.

In May, Moody’s Ratings downgraded Treasuries from their prior top rating, citing “persistent, large fiscal deficits [that] will drive the government’s debt and interest burden higher.” In late March, a group of House Republicans heard directly from Dalio, who urged them in a private briefing to start bringing annual deficits down to 3 percent of GDP. Deficits are currently running more than twice that.

Members were already spooked by the spike in Treasury yields after Trump rolled out his sweeping “Liberation Day” tariffs in April. Dalio told them that an even steeper selloff could occur if they didn’t get the nation’s fiscal house in order. The concern seemed to be confirmed when yields for 20 and 30-year Treasuries closed out above 5 percent the day that the House passed the sweeping legislation. 

Still, the GOP did not end up heeding Dalio’s warning, and last week he said on X that he now expects sizable increases of government debt relative to GDP. That, in turn, would lead to “unimaginable” tax increases or spending cuts — or, perhaps more likely, inflationary money-printing.

He said that “big, painful disruptions will likely occur” if lawmakers can’t bring the deficit down to 3 percent of GDP.

Earlier on, GOP lawmakers on the House Budget Committee Republicans had taken Dalio’s message to heart, and his March briefing was part of what led House Budget Chair Jodey Arrington (R-Texas) and Budget Vice Chair Lloyd Smucker (R-Pa.) to craft a provision in the House bill linking the amount of tax cuts to spending cuts in the domestic policy legislation.

But when the Senate took up the House products, Senate Republicans added hundreds of billions in tax cuts to the legislation while jettisoning north of $200 billion in spending cuts because they didn’t adhere to Senate budget rules. With pressure from the White House, Senate Republicans forced their product down the throats of fiscal hawks in the House.

As a result, the bill ended up missing the mark on the House framework by around $600 billion dollars, according to the nonpartisan Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget.

“The one piece that I wish was stronger coming out of the Senate was the offset provision, the deficit-neutral principle that was hard-wired into our budget resolution,” Arrington said in an interview after the House passed the final legislation.

Arrington, who authored an austere balanced budget he dubbed “Reverse the Curse” before ultimately supporting Trump’s deficit-busting bill, said he was “not sure either party is unilaterally” capable of changing the nation’s fiscal path. He suggested Congress would have to turn to a bipartisan commission, similar to one established in 2010 under former President Barack Obama, to address the issue.

Outsourcing the hard trade-offs necessary for deficit reduction is one thing; mustering the political will to enact them is another. The megabill drama showed that the issue is hard to crack for even the most powerful lobbies, said Andrew Moylan of Arnold Ventures, a think tank endowed by billionaire investor John Arnold that advocated an array of policies to help close the fiscal gaps in the GOP’s megabill.

“I think that it’s going to be difficult for any actor, whether it’s a Wall Street person or a policy organization or grassroots group or whatever, to have an impact on this debate that helps us reduce deficits unless constituents are feeling pain that they feel like Congress needs to help address.”

Some in the House GOP are hoping that they’ll have a chance to enact additional spending cuts in further party-line bills this year as well as through the appropriations process. Many conservatives said they were reassured by 11th-hour conversations they had with White House budget chief Russ Vought before the final vote.

“You’re going to see a lot of fiscal restraint to add to this growth picture,” said Rep. Andy Barr (R-Ky.), a House Financial Services Committee member. “So growth, fiscal restraint — that will ultimately send the virtuous signal to the bond market.”

Barr said he also supports updating leverage requirements for banks to encourage them to purchase more Treasuries, which could help bring yields down.

As for Democrats, Rep. Ro Khanna of California laid out a progressive debt reduction plan in June that would cut the deficit by $12 trillion through reforms to defense contracting, a crackdown on “corporate profiteering” in Medicare and tax hikes for billionaires and companies.

In an interview Monday, Khanna predicted that serious deficit reduction would most likely occur under a Democratic trifecta rather than as part of a bipartisan effort.

Republicans, Khanna said, “have to be willing to raise taxes on the wealthy. That’s a philosophical difference. The math just doesn’t work without raising taxes on the wealthy.”

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Congress

Trump apparently shares Tom Cotton’s phone number in push to make Daylight Saving Time permanent

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President Donald Trump appeared to share Sen. Tom Cotton’s phone number in a Saturday morning social media post imploring the Arkansas Republican to get behind a bill to make Daylight Saving Time permanent.

“Almost everybody wants “The Sunshine Protection Act” to pass, except for Tom Cotton,” Trump wrote on Truth Social. “To the Great People of Arkansas, please let your Senator know it would be a GREAT Bipartisan WIN for the United States Senate, and for America, itself.”

The president has spent months personally pushing Senate Republicans to end the practice that sees Americans change their clocks twice a year, cementing more sunlight hours in the evening for all twelve months of the calendar. Cotton, whom Trump called “a friend of mine” in the Saturday post, has long argued that making daylight saving time permanent would leave children, farmers and other early risers in the dark for hours on winter mornings.

One of Trump’s key selling points on Saturday: the PGA tour.

“The PGA TOUR, as an example, needs more Daylight in the afternoon in order to finish their Tournaments,” he said, attaching a letter from PGA Tour CEO Brian Rolapp endorsing the bill. ”Likewise, regular Golfers, Tennis Players, Hunters and, perhaps most importantly, Farmers who want more Daylight to play or work.

A Blue Light News call to the cellphone number went to voicemail. A spokesperson for Cotton did not respond to a request for comment. The White House did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The current version of the bill was introduced in the House in January 2025 by Rep. Vern Buchanan (R-Fla.), with Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.) leading the Senate version. The legislation would make daylight saving time permanent across most of the country, ending the twice-yearly clock changes. The legislation has been stalled in the Senate since July.

The president encouraged supporters of the bill, dubbed the “The Sunshine Protection Act,” to call Cotton to “let your Senator know it would be a GREAT Bipartisan WIN for the United States Senate, and for America, itself.”

During the 2016 Republican presidential primary, he publicly gave out the personal cellphone number of then-rival Sen. Lindsey Graham after the South Carolina Republican criticized him. Trump, who came to count on Graham as a reliable Senate ally after he won the presidency, revisited the moment during Graham’s funeral in July, acknowledging that sharing the number was something he “shouldn’t have done.”

Kelsey Brugger contributed to this report.

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Sanders to rally for Troy Jackson in Maine

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Sen. Bernie Sanders will hit the road for Troy Jackson in Maine starting Oct. 10, the first time the progressive leader will stump for the candidate this cycle.

The Vermont independent plans to hold three rallies with Jackson, according to an itinerary shared first with Blue Light News: first in Bangor on Oct. 10th followed by Lewiston and Biddeford on Oct. 11.

The Maine swing will kick off Sanders’ travel for the final stretch of the midterms, covering ground throughout October for House and Senate candidates, POLITICO reported.

“Bernie and Troy know that working people built this country and deserve a government that fights for them,” Jackson spokesperson Dan Gottlieb told Blue Light News. “Susan Collins has had nearly 30 years to deliver, and working Mainers are still getting squeezed while she serves the billionaires and corporate interests who bankroll her campaigns. Mainers don’t need another six years of excuses.”

Sanders campaigned ahead of major wins for progressives in the primary season, speaking at more than 60 rallies since last year’s Fight the Oligarchy tour and endorsing more than 90 candidates up and down the ballot.

He’s also opening his substantial $23 million campaign war chest, POLITICO reported, and contributing hundreds of thousands of dollars toMinnesota Lt. Gov. Peggy Flanagan’s Senate campaign and others including Angie Nixon in Florida and Minnesota Attorney General Keith Ellison,

Sanders will return to Maine after initially backing Graham Platner’s campaign for Senate. Allegations reported by POLITICO ultimately led him to call on the Democratic nominee to drop out of the race.

Sanders had not formally endorsed Jackson since he clinched the nomination from Platner, though he previously backed Jackson’s initial run for governor.

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Hill: Trump’s ‘lack of favorability’ creating challenging politics

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House Financial Services Chair French Hill said he has “no concerns” about winning back his Arkansas seat in the upcoming midterm elections, but the six-term House member acknowledged the political headwinds for his party.

“I consider the atmosphere a very tough political environment right now because of President [Donald] Trump’s lack of favorability at the top, and you know people are concerned about, as I say, what it’s like to live under an inflated economy the last four years,” Hill said in an interview.

Hill is in a solidly red district, according to the nonpartisan Cook Political Report, and said he is up against a “weaker candidate this time than I’ve had in past races.” Polling in the district, however, has shown a tighter race. The two polls done this year placed Democratic challenger Chris Jones ahead of Hill by a few percentage points. Any perceived polling victory for Jones is still well within the margin of error, and one of the polls had a Democratic sponsor.

Stephannie Lane Baker, a spokesperson for Jones, said that “of all the Republicans in Congress, the chairman of the Financial Services Committee doesn’t get to dodge responsibility for this economy. He’s in trouble, and he knows it.”

Additionally, Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker’s PAC, Ready for the Fight, committed more than $1 million in television ads through the next five weeks for Jones’ race in Arkansas’s 2nd District, Jordan Abudayyeh, a spokesperson for the PAC confirmed. Overall Democratic spending on advertising for the race was just over $1 million, primarily made up by contributions from the Ready for the Fight PAC, with Republicans spending almost $2.7 million on ad buys, according to AdImpact, an advertising tracking service.

Hill said he has addressed affordability concerns “head on” this Congress.

“My work on housing, my work on the Price Stability Act, my work to try to reduce waste, fraud, and abuse, and drop the federal budget deficit as a percentage of GDP,” Hill said. “All these things can contribute to a more affordable environment for people. So I’ve tried to make that a forefront of my campaign this year.”

Hill was a key architect of the 21st Century ROAD to Housing Act, a bipartisan housing affordability bill that became law in July. The Price Stability Act, which is unlikely to become law this year, would narrow the Federal Reserve’s current dual mandate of pursuing maximum employment and price stability to focus exclusively on containing inflation.

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