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Inside the Freedom Caucus’ final surrender

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It used to be the congressional equivalent of a five-alarm fire: Members of the House Freedom Caucus were holding out, refusing to go along with Republican leaders’ plans for high-stakes legislation.

But when Speaker Mike Johnson brought the GOP’s “big, beautiful bill” to the House floor this week, few were surprised when the band of hardcore conservatives threatened once again to take down the bill. And even fewer took their threats seriously.

“They do this every time — every dadgum time,” said Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.), a hard-right member who himself has occasionally held out on GOP leaders.

The endgame was in fact predictable: A band of about 10 hard-right members refused to vote the party line on a series of procedural votes Wednesday night and Thursday morning, prompting an all-hands-on-deck negotiating blitz that left the House in limbo for hours.

In the end, they all ended up voting for the bill.

It was the latest episode calling the aims of the Freedom Caucus into question as President Donald Trump asserts his dominance over the Republican Party and Washington in general. Founded under a Democratic president and forged by veterans of the tea party movement, the group is now finding it hard to buck the most powerful Republican leader in generations. After the vote closed Thursday, multiple Freedom Caucus members cast their interventions as crucial in moving the centerpiece of the GOP’s domestic policy agenda to the right.

“If you go back six months ago, we were told no Medicaid,” Rep. Chip Roy of Texas, a key Freedom Caucus leader, said, referring to Trump’s promises not to touch the joint federal-state health program. Ultimately, the bill is set to make $1 trillion worth of cuts over the coming decade.

“I wanted more — we should have done better,” Roy added. “But at the end of the day, [we got a] pretty historic bill.”

The problem their less confrontational colleagues see is that the band of hard-liners is constantly drawing red lines and delivering ultimatums, only to violate them — sometimes in a matter of hours.

The caucus, for instance, circulated a three-page memo Wednesday detailing a litany of objections the group had identified in the Senate-passed bill, ranging from its expanded deficits to the fact it omitted gun-related provisions the group had sought and that it expanded a key tax break mainly claimed in blue states. It ended up backing that flawed product with no more than handshake assurances their concerns would be addressed.

Roy spent months insisting that the bill adhere to a fiscal compromise he struck earlier this year with Johnson and other Republican leaders. He continued to warn leaders against violating the deal, lambasting the Senate for going hundreds of billions of dollars sideways, only to come along in the end.

“There’s definitely conversations about a second reconciliation bill,” Roy said Thursday, referring to promises from Johnson and others that he would pursue more party-line legislation to reduce deficits.

Elsewhere in the GOP, the brinkmanship is wearing thin — and the overnight negotiations hardly endeared the hard-liners to their colleagues.

“They called their own bluff,” said Rep. Derrick Van Orden (R-Wis.), a frequent critic of the bloc. “How many times have they done this? I mean, I’ve been in Congress for two years and five seconds, and they pulled the same stunt 19 times. So they’re over. The influence of the Freedom Caucus is over.”

Beyond the second bite at a deficit-busting bill, several Freedom Caucus members said they won assurances from White House officials on other matters.

Roy said he notched a promise to dial back what he said was the “effectiveness” of an amendment preserving some clean energy tax credits negotiated by Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski and other GOP senators in their own last-minute deal.

“I probably spent about six hours yesterday with some lawyers in the administration about what they can do, frankly, to reverse … the Murkowski language that got put in there,” he said.

What Freedom Caucus members didn’t get were any actual changes to the bill. Trump wanted the bill on his desk for a July 4 celebration and indicated to members of the bloc in a White House meeting Wednesday that he would not allow it to go back to the Senate — potentially creating weeks of delay.

“It became clear … the bill’s closed — there’s going to be no more amendments to the bill,” Majority Leader Steve Scalise said in a brief interview Thursday morning.

Trump and GOP leaders, in fact, were all too eager to put down the rebellion. Between the White House meetings, visits from Budget Director Russ Vought and other key White House officials, and Trump calling into the Republican cloakroom overnight, they muscled the hard-liners to “yes.”

Rep. Andy Harris (R-Md.), the Freedom Caucus chair, touted “significant agreements with the administration overnight on executive actions, both inside and outside of the bill, that will make America great again.” Rep. Keith Self (R-Texas) said the holdouts received “fiscal” assurances from the administration, while Rep. Eric Burlison (R-Mo.) said, “We had significant concerns and so you can imagine we got significant commitments.”

Earlier Wednesday, Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) also appeared hell-bent on opposing the bill.

GOP leaders held open one of the procedural votes and Scalise told reporters they were waiting for two members to return after storms snarled flights into Washington. A smiling Norman insisted to reporters “it’s not the weather” delaying the vote.

But less than two hours later, Norman emerged from a meeting with Vought with a completely different attitude and suggesting his vote was back in play.

In that room and others on Wednesday, the hard-liners raised deep concerns with the Senate-passed bill and groaned about the demise of the budget plan they’d negotiated with the speaker. But GOP leaders were not sympathetic.

One Republican in the room granted anonymity to describe the private exchange recounted the leaders’ reply: “It’s as good as we’re going to get.”

Later, after voting for the bill, Norman explained his turnabout: “We got as much as we could get.”

Benjamin Guggenheim and Nicholas Wu contributed to this report.

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Congress

Nervous Republicans weigh their options amid White House’s ballroom lobbying blitz

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President Donald Trump’s pet project is hanging by a thread.

The political risk of spending taxpayer dollars on parts of a new White House ballroom has unsettled congressional Republicans, who are questioning whether they can approve $1 billion in Secret Service security funding — even as officials from the agency, the Department of Homeland Security and the White House blanket Capitol Hill to make the case for its necessity amid growing threats.

Senate Republicans, including party leaders, are discussing making potential changes to the billion-dollar item as they deal with member concerns and wait for the chamber’s parliamentarian to rule on whether it can even be included in the GOP’s party-line immigration enforcement funding bill. No final decisions have been made, but options include reducing the amount of funding.

The discussions are centered on “how to get 50 votes in the Senate,” Majority Leader John Thune said in an interview about the security funding talks. “And then obviously what happens with the parliamentarian will have a lot to do with how that shakes out, too.”

Senate aides will meet with Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough Friday to litigate the portion of the legislation that includes the Secret Service funding, according to two people granted anonymity to disclose private scheduling. Senators generally defer to MacDonough’s interpretations of the “Byrd rule,” the restrictions governing what is permissible in a filibuster-skirting budget reconciliation bill.

Republicans across the Capitol are also keeping their powder dry until after the meeting, known in Hill parlance as a “Byrd bath.” MacDonough ruled Thursday other parts of the bill she had already reviewed did not pass muster, though GOP staff will try to rewrite them in the coming days to comply.

“We want to see what the Senate does, because they’ve … got the Byrd bath that they have to go through that is not a House process,” House Majority Leader Steve Scalise said. “Right now, I don’t think people are passing judgment because they don’t know what the final product is going to look like coming from the Senate.”

Scalise, asked about the alarm from some of his GOP members about the political optics of public funding for the ballroom, replied, “There’s a lot of meetings going on.”

“There’s a lot of those conversations, but we’re in the early stages, because we don’t know what the final product is going to look like,” he added.

Republican leaders are expressing confidence that MacDonough will approve the Secret Service provision, which directs the funding to “security adjustments and upgrades.” But some, including Senate Homeland Security Chair Rand Paul (R-Ky.), have predicted the language could come out and are waiting to see how she rules before they decide if they will support the bill.

Reconciliation rules dictate that all parts of the bill must have a direct impact on the federal budget, and they also must fall within the jurisdiction of committees that are specified in the budget framework Republicans approved last month. Democrats are expected to argue that the security provision should be removed because it steps into an active court battle and was drafted by the Judiciary Committee, which does not have jurisdiction over the White House construction project, according to a person granted anonymity to describe private strategy.

MacDonough could decide that the whole provision has to go, or she might target part of it, such as language referring specifically to the East Wing project.

Even if that language gets past MacDonough, GOP leaders in both chambers are facing unease — and in some cases, outright opposition — within their ranks that could threaten the security funding.

Several GOP senators want a more detailed breakdown of how the Secret Service will use the funding related to the East Wing project. The Judiciary Committee language specifies only that it can be used for “above-ground and below-ground security features” but not on “non-security elements.”

A document handed to GOP senators Tuesday specified no more than $220 million would go to the White House project and listed a few examples of how the funding could be used in relation to the project, such as for bulletproof glass. That failed to quell concerns.

“The White House is trying, I think, to get more details to it. But I think what’s become clear is you have security pieces for the East Wing, but you also have a lot of just additional add-ons for Secret Service,” said Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska).

Another GOP senator, who was granted anonymity to speak candidly, added: “You can’t just drop a round number on us and say, ‘We need a billion dollars.’”

Thune said part of the $1 billion is meant to address a “fairly long and pent-up demand” for additional resources for Secret Service separate from the East Wing-specific money. But those requests have sparked questions from Senate Appropriations Chair Susan Collins (R-Maine) about why they aren’t going through the normal government funding process.

Under reconciliation rules, Republicans will be subject to unlimited amendment debate before they can pass the bill. Democrats are expected to offer a proposal to strike the $1 billion, which could succeed if four Republicans vote with all Democrats.

Asked if leaders had the votes to pass the bill with the ballroom-related language, Senate Majority Whip John Barrasso (R-Wyo.) noted two committees are scheduled to act on the bill next week before it goes to the floor.

“You’re asking what’s going to happen in a vote-a-rama Thursday night,” Barrasso said, referring to the amendment extravaganza, noting it was still “days away.”

The ballroom issue could come to a head earlier, when the Senate Budget Committee meets next week to prepare the bill for the floor. Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.), who sits on the panel, wants to lower the overall size of the immigration enforcement bill to offset the inclusion of the $1 billion security request.

If the funding survives the Senate, its approval in the House is hardly a sure thing. The prospect of taking a vote next week to green-light hundreds of millions of dollars for White House and ballroom security has alarmed several politically vulnerable Republicans.

“I haven’t committed one way or another until we get more of a further breakdown as to how it’s going to be allocated,” Rep. Rob Bresnahan (R-Pa.) said in an interview Thursday.

In closed-door meetings earlier this week, House Republicans in at-risk seats pressed Secret Service Director Sean Curran and DHS Secretary Markwayne Mullin for more details on the $220 million White House portion of the security ask. Both men said that information would be forthcoming.

Bresnahan said he was still waiting to see an itemized list while also hinting that he is hoping the matter takes care of itself.

“This could easily be Byrded out,” he added, referring to MacDonough’s ruling.

Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.), who warned earlier this week that the ballroom funding was “not happening” on the immigration bill, signaled Thursday he was heeding voters in his district by not backing down.

“They want DHS funded, they want ICE reforms, and they don’t want taxpayer funds going to a ballroom,” Fitzpatrick said.

But Trump and his deputies have successfully browbeat GOP lawmakers into line many times in the past, and the White House’s pressure campaign on the ballroom money is making some headway, according to six people involved in the conversations.

Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.) initially voiced apprehension about the idea Tuesday, saying, “I don’t think it’s wise.” Hours later, after meeting with Mullin, Bacon softened his views, arguing it wasn’t “as much money” for the ballroom project as he thought.

Other House Republicans who are facing tough races are under immense pressure from the White House to approve the money and privately say they are likely to do so. One thing weighing on GOP lawmakers’ minds is the succession of assassination attempts targeting Trump and the overall rise in political violence.

“We know there’s an emerging, just radically different threat environment, even [versus] just five years ago,” said one. “And so we have to make sure that we have the appropriate resources across a full spectrum of infrastructure capabilities.”

Ali Bianco, Mia McCarthy, Jennifer Scholtes and Katherine Tully-McManus contributed to this report.

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Senate rulekeeper deals blows to GOP’s immigration enforcement package

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The Senate parliamentarian ruled Thursday that major pieces of the GOP’s party-line immigration enforcement package do not comply with the chamber’s rules — a setback to Republicans racing to clear the bill this month.

The parliamentarian, Elizabeth MacDonough, found that four parts of the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee’s portion of the legislation will need to be reworked — or risk Democrats forcing a floor vote on each provision that would be subject to a 60-vote threshold, according to a statement from Budget Committee Democrats Thursday night.

Republicans are now expected to try to rewrite the provisions to meet MacDonough’s approval, according to two people granted anonymity to disclose private strategy. They will need to work quickly if they are going to meet the June 1 deadline President Donald Trump has set for clearing the legislation, recognizing that the House will need time to pass the package as well.

Democrats immediately declared victory.

“This fight is just getting started,” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer said in a statement, adding that Democrats will force Republicans “over and over to defend their real priority: Trump’s palace over your paycheck.”

But Ryan Wrasse, a spokesperson for Majority Leader John Thune, said the ruling simply will require “technical fixes that were not unexpected.”

“We look forward to continued productive work” with the parliamentarian, he added, “to fully fund Border Patrol and immigration enforcement.”

Though senators could technically overrule MacDonough, they generally defer to her interpretations of the restrictions governing what is permissible in a filibuster-skirting budget reconciliation bill.

MacDonough has ruled against a line in the bill that would fund the screening of people entering the United States, as well as $19.1 billion for parts of Customs and Border Protection. According to Democrats, she found those pieces of the legislation violate the strict rules of the reconciliation process because they would impact policy beyond the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee — one of the two panels Republicans directed in the budget framework they adopted last month that unlocked the ability to advance the legislation in the Senate by a simple majority.

That could be an easier fix for Republicans, since the Judiciary Committee, the second of the two committees, also has jurisdiction over DHS. But the parliamentarian also took issue with a section that includes $2.5 billion Republicans are trying to enact to bolster the funds they enacted last summer through their party-line tax and spending megabill, as well as language that would allow funding to be used for initial screenings of unaccompanied immigrant children.

MacDonough is expected to make her rulings on provisions contained in the Judiciary Committee’s portion of the immigration enforcement package as soon as Friday. Lawmakers are awaiting a verdict on whether they can use reconciliation to fund security infrastructure involved in Trump’s ballroom project.

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Key Jeffries ally endorses aggressive tactics to create more blue seats

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A senior House Democrat with close ties to top leader Hakeem Jeffries endorsed carving up majority-minority districts to ensure Democratic redistricting gains ahead of the 2028 elections.

“I’m supportive of winning and being in the majority,” Rep. Greg Meeks (D-N.Y.) said in a Thursday interview. “I think we can do that. I’m supportive of preserving our Democrats in the South, which is important, and I think that we can win and do what we need to do in other districts.”

“Trump changed the rules,” he continued. “I don’t like those rules, but we’re going to do what we have to do to win.”

Asked specifically if he would be supportive of unseating Republicans by redrawing deep-blue New York City districts held by minority lawmakers, like his own, to extend instead into less diverse suburban areas, he said, “I’m going to win, but we’ve got to get more Democrats, also.”

“We’re going to have a level playing field,” added Meeks, the longtime leader of the Queens Democratic Party.

In response to a Supreme Court ruling earlier this month that allows GOP-controlled state governments to undo lines drawn to protect minority voting interests, Jeffries said this week he considers New York a prime target to counter those Republican gains in 2028. The top Democrat on the House Administration Committee, Rep. Joe Morelle (D-N.Y.), met with Gov. Kathy Hochul last week to talk about mid-decade redistricting but said in an interview Thursday they did not discuss the specifics of a new map.

As a senior Jeffries ally and a key member of the Congressional Black Caucus, Meeks will have considerable influence over New York redrawing its map.

“Nobody wants us to sit back and do nothing and just let them stamp all over us,” Meeks said.

His perspective aligns with many Democratic voters. New Blue Light News polling revealed Thursday that many Democrats want party leaders to fight back on Republican gerrymandering, including by breaking up majority-minority districts.

Meeks said redrawing district lines would not undermine his party’s commitment to diversity.

“We’re going to preserve those responsibilities that we have,” he added. “And we’re going to create more seats for Democrats to win.”

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