The Dictatorship
6 things to know about the GOP spending cuts package that just passed

Earlier this month, many congressional Republicans made clear that they had serious concerns about the party’s far-right domestic policy megabill, shortly before those same GOP lawmakers went ahead and voted for it anyway.
This week, it happened again, as a variety of Senate Republicans voiced concerns about a highly controversial $9 billion spending-cut bill, only to do what Donald Trump directed them to do soon after. NBC News reported:
The Republican-led Senate Republicans voted Thursday morning to pass a package of spending cuts requested by President Donald Trump, sending it to the House. The rescissions package cancels previously approved funding totaling $9 billion for foreign aid and the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, which funds NPR and PBS. Republicans passed it through a rarely used process to evade the 60-vote threshold and modify a bipartisan spending deal on party lines.
In a floor fight that happened shortly after 2 a.m. ET, the measure passed on in 51-48 vote. Two Senate Republicans — Susan Collins of Maine and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska — voted with the unanimous Democrats against the package. (Democratic Sen. Tina Smith of Minnesota missed the vote due to hospitalization, though she’s expected to be fine, and her vote wouldn’t have affected the final outcome.)
The Senate vote came less than a week after the president not only demanded that Republicans approve the legislation, but also vowed to withhold future endorsements for any GOP members who defied his instructions.
As legislative fights go, this one is a little different from most — on Capitol Hill, it’s common for lawmakers to approve funding measures, but it’s far more unusual to see members UN-APPROVE funding measures — so let’s unpack why these developments are so important.
What’s a “rescissions” package? When Congress appropriates funds, the White House is obligated to spend the tax dollars accordingly. Presidents, at least for now, do not have the legal option of simply ignoring lawmakers’ wishes and impounding the money, though Richard Nixon tried and failed to do so.
But there is a legal mechanism in place that allows the White House to send Congress requests to undo funds that were appropriated but not spent. These are called “rescissions” packages. Once they arrive on Capitol Hill, lawmakers have 45 days to either approve the packages and un-spend the money, or ignore the president’s request, which in turn would force the administration to do what Congress directed in the first place.
What’s in Trump’s “rescissions” package? While other presidents have had small and unremarkable rescissions requests, Trump’s version was far more ambitious: It sought to codify cuts from Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), cutting roughly $1 billion from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, which helps fund local public television and radio stations around the country, and roughly $8 billion from the State Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID).
While $9 billion might not seem like an enormous amount of money given the size of the federal budget and the overall U.S. economy, these specific cuts would, if approved, have a significant impact. Not only are there communities nationwide that rely on public broadcasting — for things such as weather forecasts and emergency alerts — but as BLN’s Michael Steele recently explainedthe USAID cuts raise life-or-death questions for many desperate people worldwide.
What about the power of the purse? A bedrock feature of the Constitution is that Congress controls the nation’s purse strings. Trump and his team have made no secret of the fact that they hope to shift at least some of these powers to the White House, and pry authority away from lawmakers, as part of a larger power grab. A great many Republicans appear eager to go along with these efforts, surrendering congressional power to the president — again.
Why didn’t Senate Democrats use a filibuster to block the package? Because they couldn’t: The legislative process on rescissions packages does not require the bills to meet a 60-vote threshold.
Why are Democrats insisting this will change spending negotiations going forward? This is an underappreciated element of the broader fight: For generations, Democrats and Republicans have advanced spending deals through bipartisan negotiations and compromises in which both parties end up with some of what they want. But if we’re entering an era in which presidents can decide to reject certain congressionally approved investments, and a narrow congressional majority can endorse such efforts after the fact, then members — especially those in the minority — have no reason to even try to reach bipartisan deals, since they’ll have no guarantees that the money will actually be spent.
Indeed, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries made this point explicitly during an interview with BLN’s Chris Hayes this week.
What happens now? The House passed its version of the bill in mid-June, but Senate Republicans made some changes — specifically, they agreed to remove $400 million in cuts to PEPFAR, the foreign aid program to combat HIV/AIDS — which means the package will need to be voted on again in the lower chamber.
The timing is highly relevant: Under the procedural rules for this effort, Congress will need to pass the rescissions package by midnight Friday or the effort will fail. Most observers agree, however, that House Republicans will follow Trump’s demands before the deadline.
If the president’s gambit succeeds, as now appears very likely, it will almost certainly open the door to a series of related efforts. Watch this space.
This post updates our related earlier coverage.
Steve Benen is a producer for “The Rachel Maddow Show,” the editor of MaddowBlog and an BLN political contributor. He’s also the bestselling author of “Ministry of Truth: Democracy, Reality, and the Republicans’ War on the Recent Past.”
The Dictatorship
Republicans shrug off laundry list of scandals, advance Emil Bove’s judicial nomination

By Steve legs
Senators have faced plenty of controversial judicial nominations in recent memory, but Emil Bove — a former criminal defense lawyer for Donald Trump, whom the president tapped for the Third Circuit Court of Appeals — is arguably the most controversial of them all.
Given the degree to which Bove’s nomination has been mired in scandalthere was some hope that at least one Republican member of the Senate Judiciary Committee might agree that it’d be a mistake to give Trump’s former lawyer a lifetime position on the federal appellate bench.
That didn’t happen. NBC News reported:
A spokesperson for Senate Judiciary Committee Chair Chuck Grassley says that Bove’s nomination had been reported out of committee to the full Senate, even though Democrats on the committee walked out in protest of the lack of debate and the refusal to hold a vote on whether to hold a hearing with a whistleblower before they voted.
Shortly before the vote, the panel’s Democratic members walked out of the hearing room in protestwith Democratic Sen. Cory Booker of New Jersey describing the process as “insane.”
In fact, after the committee’s Republicans voted in support of Bove, members of the Democratic minority, led by Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois, suggested the issue of whether Bove was actually reported out was still an open question and may be referred to the Senate parliamentarian because, as Democrats argued, Republicans broke procedural rules.
Stepping back, when the president first announced Bove’s nomination in May, he claimed his former defense attorney is “respected by everyone.”
All things considered, “everyone” was a poor choice of words.
When Bove worked in the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York, for example, he earned a reputation as an unprofessional and abusive prosecutor. He parlayed this background into a role as a Trump defense attorney, punctuated by his defeat in the Stormy Daniels case, which paid dividends: Trump rewarded Bove with a powerful position in the Justice Department, where he fired federal prosecutors who worked on Jan. 6 cases and helped oversee the scandalous dismissal of New York City Mayor Eric Adams’ corruption case.
Just as importantly, if not more so, Erez Reuveni, a 15-year veteran Justice Department prosecutor, recently came forward as a whistleblower to tell senators that Bove repeatedly endorsed ignoring court orders and deliberately misleading judges. In a case involving the Alien Enemies Act and the administration’s alleged violation of a court order regarding deportation flights, Reuveni also described a meeting during which Bove “stated that DOJ would need to consider telling the courts ‘f— you’ and ignore any such court order.”
The nominee denied the whistleblower’s allegations, but internal documents released by Senate Judiciary Committee Democrats appeared to bolster Reuveni’s allegations.
In case this weren’t quite enough, in his post-hearing written Senate questionnaireBove declined to rule out the possibility of the president running for a third term — despite the plain language of the U.S. Constitution — and did not denounce the insurrectionist Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol.
Given all of this, opposition to Bove’s judicial nomination from outside Capitol Hill was overwhelming and unprecedented: Several dozen former judges and more than 900 former Justice Department lawyers pleaded with the Senate to oppose the nominee.
Republicans on the Judiciary Committee voted for him anyway.
Bove’s nomination now advances to the Senate floor for confirmation. To defeat him, four GOP senators would have to break ranks with the party, which seems unlikely. Watch this space.
This is a developing story. Check back for updates.
Steve Benen is a producer for “The Rachel Maddow Show,” the editor of MaddowBlog and an BLN political contributor. He’s also the bestselling author of “Ministry of Truth: Democracy, Reality, and the Republicans’ War on the Recent Past.”
The Dictatorship
Stephen Miller faces pushback after weird claims about immigrant crime in Minneapolis

Crime rates improved dramatically during Joe Biden’s presidency, and preliminary data suggests the news continues to look encouraging as Donald Trump’s second term gets underway. Common sense might suggest that the White House would be eager to celebrate the developments, touting improved public safety.
But that’s not quite what the public is hearing from the president’s team.
During one of his Fox News appearances this week, White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller spoke generally about the administration’s efforts to arrest immigrants, before making a specific claim about a specific city:
We have communities all across this nation that, 20 years ago, before the era of open borders, were completely peaceful, completely stable, thriving middle classes. Look at a place like Minneapolis. Post-mass migration, they are unsafe, they are violent, you cannot use the public parks.
The comments did not go unnoticed, especially among people in Minneapolis who enjoy visiting local parks. (If Miller is looking for a better example of people steering clear of public parks, I might refer him to MacArthur Park in Los Angeles, where local residents were recently forced to flee when federal officers and National Guard troops arrived for reasons that are still unclear.)
What’s more, plenty of observers were quick to note that crime rates across Minnesota have improved considerably in recent years, and Minneapolis, in particular, has seen a significant decrease in violent crime in the first half of 2025.
But perhaps the most pointed response to Miller came from Hennepin County Attorney Mary Moriarty, who said in a statement released by her office, “If we wanted a white supremacist’s opinion, we’d ask. But we don’t. So we won’t.”
Moriarty added for good measure, “Also, Minneapolis is great.”
To be sure, that’s a memorable reaction, but there’s still the larger context to consider. Amid genuinely terrific news on crime rates in cities across the country, Trump administration officials aren’t just failing to brag, they’re pretending that public safety is getting worse, reality be damned.
Consider this exchange between Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy and Democratic Rep. Jerry Nadler of New York.
There’s no great mystery here: The Trump administration wants people to be afraid, because the more Americans are scared, the more they’re likely to endorse a mass-deportation campaign.
For the White House, in other words, the politics of fear is overriding every other consideration, including the temptation to brag about — and perhaps even try to take credit for — a heartening national trend.
Steve Benen is a producer for “The Rachel Maddow Show,” the editor of MaddowBlog and an BLN political contributor. He’s also the bestselling author of “Ministry of Truth: Democracy, Reality, and the Republicans’ War on the Recent Past.”
The Dictatorship
A new ruling could financially punish Americans for their health issues

A Trump-appointed federal judge has blocked a rule the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau issued just before Joe Biden left the White House that would have banned medical debt from Americans’ credit reports.
The ruling is a terrible blow to consumers.
CNN reports that “Judge Sean Jordan of the US District Court of Texas’ Eastern District found that the rule exceeded the bureau’s authority under the Fair Credit Reporting Act, agreeing with the arguments of two industry associations, which had filed a lawsuit against the rule that was later joined by the Trump administration.”
The ruling is a terrible blow to consumers, and it pushes the country back toward a preposterous norm of punishing Americans financially for their health issues.
Thanks to our dysfunctional and immoral U.S. health care system, tens of millions of Americans owe medical debt. And on top of having to pay off that debt, an additional indignity for debtors is seeing their credit scores take a hit. That means people of limited financial means who have incurred medical debt are not only paying off onerous medical bills, but then also facing penalties around eligibility and interest rates when they try to do things like open up new credit cards, secure mortgages or get approved to rent apartments.
As I wrote this year when the rule was announced:
On a conceptual level, this new rule underscores how medical debt is different from most other kinds of debt that make up credit reports. It’s not a reflection of how someone wants to spend their money, but of decisions between seeking care or potentially enduring a painful or life-threatening hardship. … In addition, a lot of medical collections are the result of surprise medical bills that emerge even after people think they’ve done everything in their power to avoid incurring medical debt.
The CFPB estimated that the nixed rule would’ve wiped out $50 billion in medical bills from the credit reports of about 15 million Americans. The bureau calculated that would’ve raised credit scores for affected people by 20 points on average, leading to “the approval of approximately 22,000 additional, affordable mortgages every year.” Past CFPB research has also found that medical debt is a “poor predictor” of whether someone will pay back a loan.
That the Trump administration joined the lawsuit against the rule — while effectively shutting down the CFPB — speaks to the priorities of right-wing populism. “The forgotten men and women of our country will be forgotten no longer,” the president declared after his first election victory. But that same president and his GOP allies in Congress cut Medicaid and food stamps and allied with business lobbies against millions of Americans facing crushing medical debt. It’s clear, yet again, whose side Trump is on.
Zeeshan Aleem is a writer and editor for BLN Daily. Previously, he worked at Vox, HuffPost and Blue Light News, and he has also been published in, among other places, The New York Times, The Atlantic, The Nation, and The Intercept. You can sign up for his free politics newsletter here.
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